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– China, Growing Superpower
China's global impact grows
By DAVID HOWELL
LONDON -- Suddenly China has become the No. 1 topic on the agenda of
every Western policy forum and think tank. That the focus should be so
sudden is in a way surprising.
After all, ever since the so-called "opening" of China in 1978 the
country has been growing at colossal rates, with income per head
multiplying by seven times since then and hundreds of millions being
lifted out of poverty. China is now the world's largest consumer of
steel, concrete, copper and coal, and catching up on oil as well.
So what are the new factors that have so sharpened Western and wider
world interest in what is happening there?
The answer is that China itself is involving itself with new intensity
across the globe. The policy, which China calls "Going Out," means that
the old doctrines of self-sufficiency once preached by Chinese leaders
have been abandoned. Instead the new China is getting bolder and bolder,
and nowhere more so than in the area of energy supplies and energy
security.
Suddenly, or so it seems, Chinese officials and Chinese oil companies
are everywhere, doing huge oil deals in the Persian Gulf, making big oil
investments, acquiring American firms (such as Lenova taking over IBM's
PC division) or cementing strategic partnerships.
Thus China and Saudi Arabia have moved much closer, with growing oil
flows heading toward China in exchange for armaments and missiles (said,
however, to not work very well). Oman has also become a major oil
supplier. Gas-rich Qatar has struck up major deals with Beijing. Iran
has stated that it wants China to replace Japan as its main customer and
partner on the oil and gas front, with new Chinese investments in Iran
going ahead. (One consequence of this is that if the Americans attack
Iranian targets, as some apparently want, they could find themselves
attacking Chinese interests there as well).
But China is now going still further afield. Venezuela is diverting oil
to China as its new key customer, bringing the impact of China's growth
into the American hemisphere. North Africa is now on the Chinese target
list, with Egypt becoming especially friendly, while further south large
oil deals are being negotiated with the Sudanese, including the
provision of thousands of Chinese security personnel to guard the
pipelines.
If all these were just normal shifts in global oil markets that would be
interesting but not significant. But the situation has now been reached
where two-thirds of all Middle East oil now goes eastward. The old idea
that it is the West that depends on the Middle East for its oil has been
invalidated and huge political consequences flow from this switch.
One consequence is that Persian Gulf oil producers who used to look
westward and regard the U.S. as their best market and commercial partner
are now turning toward the Asian powers, and China in particular, for
their strategic relationships. Saudi Arabia is the most obvious example
of this trend. Somehow, dealing with China now seems simpler than
dealing with the Americans, with less constraining conditions attached.
Another consequence is that in the huge new scramble for secure oil
supplies, as well as natural and frozen gas (LNG) and coal supplies,
China's example is bound to be followed by India as well as by other
countries. And why not? After all, it is the Americans who have
proclaimed the new doctrine of the right to take unilateral action (in
U.S. President George W. Bush's 2002 National Security Strategy).
If that is the stance of the American "hegemon," it is argued, then the
same principle should be applied when it comes to energy security. It is
becoming every nation for itself. Instead of multilateral cooperation a
pattern is emerging of multilateral rivalry.
In all this national jostling for energy security Russia and the
European powers are also reviewing their positions. So is Japan.
Russia is thinking about how to build new diplomatic muscle based on its
colossal oil and gas reserves. Europe, which depends more and more
heavily on Russian gas and whose North Sea oil fields are running down,
now finds that it must keep pace with Chinese acquisitions and deals to
secure its own future supplies. Japan is upgrading its military and
maritime strength, just to be sure that its oil needs are not elbowed
aside by China's oil-import demands, or its oil-supply sea routes
disrupted by Chinese naval interference.
The United States, the biggest oil importer of all by far, may be the
next to feel the cold winds of Chinese competition for world oil
supplies. As some of its old friends and allies switch their trade
interest to booming Asia it may already be experiencing these effects.
So the supreme irony in this new geopolitical pattern is that the
American policy set out so defiantly in its national security strategy,
and reiterated confidently in Bush's recent inauguration speech, may in
practice be weakening America's influence and friendships, threatening
its imported energy supply sources and speeding up the rise of China as
a superpower.
These were not, of course, the intended consequences but they do explain
why the global impact of China's enormous growth is suddenly receiving
so much attention from Western policymakers.
David Howell, a former British Cabinet minister and chairman of the
Commons Foreign Affairs Committee, is a member of the House of Lords.
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