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–Europe's Tolerance May Soon End
CARROLL: The War Against Islam
By James Carroll
Among the factors leading to the French and Dutch rejections of the European
constitution last week, none looms more ominously than the nightmare of
antagonism between ''the West" and Islam. Many Europeans fear a rising tide of
green, both within the continent and from outside it. Where once communists
threatened, now Muslims do. A new wall is being built.
Muslims, meanwhile, see a flood of contempt in pressures on immigrant
communities in European cities, in restrictions on Islamic expression, and in
openly expressed reservations about Turkey's admission to the EU precisely
because of its Islamic character. Given escalations of the war in Iraq together
with widely reported instances of Koran-denigration by US interrogators, such
trends in Europe make the global war on terror seem expressly a war against
Islam. The ''clash of civilizations" seems closer at hand than ever.
To make sense of this dangerous condition, it can help to recall some of the
forgotten or misremembered history that prepared for it, from the remote origins
of the conflict to its manifestations in the not so distant past. As the story
is usually told in Europe and America, the problem began when a jihad-driven
army of ''infidel" Saracens, having brutalized Christians in the ''Holy Land,"
threatened ''Christendom" itself with conquests right into the heart of
present-day France. Charles Martel is the hero of primal European romances
because he defeated the Muslim army near Tours in 733. But for Martel, Edward
Gibbon wrote, ''the Koran would now be taught in the schools of Oxford."
Across subsequent centuries, in the European memory, Islam posed the great
threat to the emerging Christian order. But was that so? Lombards, Normans,
Vikings, forces from the Slavic east, and violent contests among Christians
themselves all wreaked havoc in Europe, even in Martel's time. As I learned from
the historian Tomaz Mastnak, the threat from the Saracens was one among many. It
was defined as transcendent only with the later Crusades, when Latin Christian
armies set out to rescue that ''Holy Land" and roll back Islamic conquests. The
crusading impulse presumed a demonizing of Saracens that was justified neither
by the threat they actually posed nor by their treatment of Christians in
Palestine. Indeed, chronicles of the earlier period take little or no notice of
the religion of Saracens. Religious co-existence, famous in Iberia, was a mark
of other lands conquered by Arabs. Europe's initiating ''holy war" with Islam,
that is, was based on flawed intelligence, propaganda, and threat exaggeration.
The poison flower of the Crusades, with their denigrations of distant cultures,
was colonialism. The dark result of European imperial adventuring in the Muslim
world was twofold: first, the usual exploitation of native peoples and
resources, with attendant destruction of culture, and, second, the powerful
reaction among Muslims and Arab populations against colonialism, a reaction that
included an internal corrupting of Islamic traditions. The accidental wealth of
oil in the Middle East made both external exploitation and internal corruption
absolutely ruinous. The political fanaticism that has lately seized the Arab
Islamic religious imagination (exemplified in Osama bin Laden) is rooted more in
a defensive fending off of assault from ''the West" than in anything intrinsic
to Islam. The American war on terror, striking the worst notes of the old
imperial insult, only exacerbates this reactionary fanaticism (generating, for
example, legions of suicide bombers).
Having forgotten the deeper history, nervous Europeans seem also to have
forgotten how large numbers of Muslims settled in the continent's cities in the
first place. In the 1960s and 1970s, Turks, Arabs, and North Africans were
welcomed as ''guest workers," taking up menial labor with the implicit
understanding that they could never hope to be received as citizens of the
nations that exploited them. The rank injustice of a system depending on a
permanent underclass was bound to issue in political resistance, and now it has,
but with a religious edge.
The point is that this conflict has its origins more in "the West" than in the
House of Islam. The image of Muslims as prone to violence by virtue of their
religion was mainly constructed across centuries by Europeans seeking to bolster
their own purposes, a habit of politicized paranoia that is masterfully
continued by freaked-out leaders of post-9/11 America. They, too, like prelates,
crusaders, conquistadors, and colonizers, have turned fear of Islam into a
source of power. This history teaches that such self-serving projection can
indeed result in the creation of an enemy ready and willing to make the
nightmare real.
James Carroll's column appears regularly in the Globe. His most recent book is
"Crusade: Chronicles of an Unjust War."
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