– Israel Goes on the Offensive

Israel invades Gaza
John Rapley

AFTER MASSING at the border, the Israeli army - the most powerful fighting force in the Middle East - moved into Gaza on Tuesday. Insisting that he had no wish to occupy the Palestinian territory, Israeli Prime Minister Ehud Olmert declared his sole intention was to free an Israeli soldier.

On the weekend, Palestinian militants tunnelled their way under the border and abducted an Israeli corporal, who was reported to be lightly wounded. Having carried him back to the small, densely-populated and impoverished Gaza Strip, the militants declared they would return him only when the Israelis freed some Palestinians from Israeli jails.

This is not the first time such an incident has occurred, but it has been twelve years since the last one. In the past, Israel has attempted covert operations to rescue their people. When such operations have not been possible, they have often shown an openness to prisoner exchanges.

DRAMATIC GESTURE

For whatever reasons, Mr. Olmert has opted for a more dramatic gesture. It is a gamble, and the stakes are high for him. Under pressure at home to do something to rescue the soldier, Mr. Olmert has also been under international pressure including, crucially, from Washington. Already annoyed with what appears to have been an Israeli bombing of a Palestinian beach that claimed civilian lives, the international community would like Israel to allow more time for diplomacy. A botched operation, or one that results in heavy casualties, could well destabilise a government that is less than rock-solid.

The circumstances in which the abduction took place reflect the deepening complexity of Palestinian politics. Three factions claimed responsibility. One of them is the military wing of Hamas. Hamas, one recalls, formed the Palestinian government following parliamentary elections earlier this year. Accordingly, Mr. Olmert held the Palestinian government responsible for the act.

Yet, that government is divided. The prime minister is from Hamas, but the president is from the rival Fatah (the late Yasser Arafat's party). Hamas itself is divided, with the military wing enjoying some autonomy from the party, and taking orders from outside the Palestinian territories. Moreover, Gaza politics are generally more radicalised and Islamist than those of the West Bank. To some extent, activities like this represent the tail wagging the dog.

Part of that owes to a long-standing Israeli practice, affirmed with special vigour by Mr. Olmert, of weakening the Palestinian authority. Mr. Olmert would especially like to see the collapse of the Hamas-led government. The withholding of funds collected by Israel or donated by the international community has helped to do just that. In consequence, a vacuum has emerged, and militants have eagerly filled it.

RATIONALE CLEAR

On the face of it, the rationale of blaming the Hamas government for the actions of its military wing is perfectly clear. But the hard line can exacerbate the situation. By suspending what remains of the peace process each time a kidnapping or suicide bombing occurs, the Israelis leave that process a hostage to the militants. Those who refuse the peace process can effectively suspend it by carrying out such an act.

Thereby, militants can undermine their government. Hamas and Fatah this week agreed a document - one originally produced by Palestinian prisoners in Israeli jails - which apparently would include an implicit acceptance of Israel's right to exist. That would go a long way towards bringing the Israelis and Palestinians closer together. But the elements in Palestine, including those in Gaza, who would rather not see this happen have been able to subvert the process by creating "facts on the ground."

By his bold gesture, Mr. Olmert may well have played into their hands.