Pivotal Pakistan

Bhutto's death makes upcoming elections even more important
By Parveen Talpur

The team from Scotland Yard has arrived in Pakistan to investigate the death of Benazir Bhutto, the former Pakistani prime minister. President Pervez Musharraf has involved the team since he was not completely satisfied with the investigation. The White House supports his decision, while Bhutto's Pakistan Peoples Party is demanding a probe by the United Nations.

Skeptics, however, are not hopeful, because the murder of the first prime minister of Pakistan, in 1951, was left midway by Scotland Yard. It has been announced that this time around the team will stay in Pakistan until the completion of its report. In the case of Bhutto's assassination, any team will face difficulties, as the site of the murder was washed and cleaned, leaving no trace of the tragic event. Also, the exhumation of the body may not be allowed because of cultural, religious and political considerations.

President Bush sees the tragic event as an al-Qaida-brand operation. Given that an unstable Pakistan suits al-Qaida, this may sound convincing, but Bhutto supporters blame the Musharraf government's agencies, as his officials make contradictory statements about the cause of her death. In a press conference, Musharraf in turn asked: "Who is to be blamed for her coming out of her vehicle?"

Bhutto on her part safeguarded herself by handpicking police personnel and importing a bulletproof car. None of her companions sitting in the car were injured; her death, whether by a bullet or a lever, occurred only when she emerged out of the sunroof. The mystery of this murder may or may not be solved, but the country needs to move ahead in all fairness on the road to democracy.

In Pakistan, where every little diversion is used as an excuse to postpone elections, the ominous timing of Bhutto's assassination and the rioting that followed has justified the postponement of elections by six weeks. These weeks will coincide with the mourning period of Bhutto's death along with the more widespread annual mourning observed by Shia Muslims for the martyrs of Karbala. Bhutto's party has already announced that it will start its campaign after 40 days of mourning. It can only be hoped that these somber moments are used for some soul-searching, and for fine-tuning safeguards for a free and fair election.

The political culture of Pakistan during the election period is always marked by horrendous activities. Rigging, bribing, bickering, horse-trading, mudslinging and murders are some general features highlighted with all kinds of vices that go in the process of specific seat arrangements between rival groups and lobbying for coalition partners. Special rules made by the Election Commission are manipulated to encourage a specific group and discourage another for contest. Elections, no doubt, are stormy episodes in Pakistan's checkered history.

In the aftermath of the elections of 1971, Pakistan was dismembered, resulting in the creation of Bangladesh. The elections did end the 12 long years of generals playing presidents, but at the same time it inaugurated an era marked with the abuse of power in the name of democracy. Roles were reversed as Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto, the elected prime minister, declared himself as the first "civilian martial law administrator" in his initial period in office. In 1977, he was arrested by his general and later hanged.

Gen. Zia-ul-Haq remained in power until his death in a mysterious plane crash in 1988. A decade of civilian rule alternating between the tenures of Benazir Bhutto and Nawaz Sharif followed. Both served twice, and both charged each other with incompetence and corruption. This ended in 1999, when Musharraf ousted Nawaz Sharif.

While the world perceives Pakistan as a strong dictatorial military state, not many in Pakistan protest against the ouster of civilian or military governments. Initially, even generals are welcomed, and rejoicing on the streets became a common sight. Although this clearly reveals the people's discontent with civilian rule, this in no way justifies military rule, as people soon become wary of the military rule.

Restoration of a genuine democracy has never been as important as it is today. A democratic and politically stable Pakistan is crucial for regional peace, for the global war against terrorism, and for the security of its own nuclear installations.

Many social and political ills of Pakistan have emanated from a flawed electoral process. Foremost among them is the increase of fundamentalists in the Provincial Assembly of North West Frontier Province bordering Afghanistan. Most of the fundamentalists have made it to the Assembly because madrassa certificates were considered equivalent to the matric certificates by the Election Commission, and therefore made them eligible to contest the elections.

What is required is a long-term project establishing a modern and affordable school system that can attract a large number of children from madrassas. Again, this is one remedy; the ills are many. Pakistan's electoral process certainly needs a serious health-check while the country attempts to restore democracy. Political parties also need to be organized on democratic principles by holding elections within the parties.

Some political parties in Pakistan are woven around a central figure, as is the case with Benazir Bhutto's party. Her demise has left the party rudderless, although according to her will, she appointed her husband, Asif Zardari, as her successor. Zardari, in turn, appointed their 19-year-old son. At present, both father and son share the chairmanship of the party. This is sanctioning a dynastic trend that is bound to create a strong reaction within the rank and file of the party once the wave of sympathy for the deceased leader subsides. Because of this, the party may fragment as it did in the past. One of the breakaway factions is led by the widow of Benazir Bhutto's slain brother, while another is in coalition with Musharraf.

With the political landscape getting crowded with factions of different parties, and with a politicized judiciary, the new assemblies may turn out to be more vengeful. It is hoped that the February elections may not turn out to be a repetition of the past.

Talpur of Binghamton is a historian, author and a journalist. She has just returned from Pakistan after spending a year there as a visiting professor at the University of Sindh.