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The Power of the Pope
Power to the Papal
BY BRENDAN MINITER
What does Fidel Castro know that many American liberals don't
seem ever to have understood about Pope John Paul II? That's
something worth asking as the dictator in Havana issued a
personal statement of condolence and has allowed his people
three days to mourn, three days to publicly act like a normal
society amid a social structure otherwise built on fear.
Although he has much to account for, it is wrong to say Castro
trembles--as a Polish dictator once visibly did--before this
pope. But by allowing a papal visit to Cuba in 1998, Castro
revealed that even he could not deny the power of the papacy.
This is the legacy of John Paul--that moral capital is a lever
that can pry up the edges of even the most repressive regimes
and plant seeds of hope.
This was significant not only in facing down the twin evil
ideologies of the 20th century, communism and Nazism. This is
also essential to confronting the evil ideology of our time,
Islamofascism.
It is important to stop here and consider the source of John
Paul's power. It's been widely noted the past few days that
Stalin once dismissively asked "how many divisions" the Vatican
had. But the pope's divisions are composed of people of all
nationalities who are willing to stand up and demand better for
humanity. The pope has something more potent than any military
force. His divisions are the very people tyrants continue to
oppress and the millions in the free world who aren't willing to
stand idly by.
By embracing the Dalai Lama, seeking to reconcile with Jews, and
calling for a free Palestinian state, John Paul II was able to
speak to all faiths when he called for respecting human rights.
It was this call--linked to the policies of Ronald Reagan and
many others--that gave hope and courage to millions of oppressed
people.
It turns out that not only do all people prefer freedom to
slavery, but also all governments rest to some degree on the
consent of the governed. In repressive states this is the
consent to stay locked in fear. But that fear lasts only as long
as those oppressed believe that openly struggling against the
repression is a futile effort. The North Korean regime stays in
power because individuals make the calculation that one man
speaking out will only succeed in drawing a long prison
sentence--or worse--for himself. But if all those who despise
the regime were willing to take to the streets, we'd learn that
the ranks of dissenters are actually far larger than the those
who benefit from the government's continued existence. If the
chains of fear were broken, the regime would fall.
This was once dismissed as utopian. But it's what is happening
in places like Ukraine, Lebanon and Kyrgyzstan today, and it is
precisely what began to happen in Poland in 1981, reaching
fruition throughout Eastern Europe in 1989. When a pathway of
emigration was opened up to the West, those under Soviet control
lost their fear. In short order crowds gathered around the
Berlin Wall and pulled it down. Faced with such widespread
protests in the streets, the Evil Empire soon found itself on
the ash heap of history. Poland is free in part because Pope
John Paul II stood up to the communists around the world and
emboldened millions by saying with his words and his actions
that there will be a moral accounting for what is done here on
earth.
This triumph of morality and hope over fear and despotism has
never been fully understood by the post-Vietnam American left.
That's why we still hear theories that Mikhail Gorbachev was the
one who brought the Soviet Union in for a soft landing--as if
pressure from within and from the free world didn't force that
landing upon him. This misunderstanding has also now found new
life in opposition to George W. Bush's push for democracy in the
Muslim world. It is true that John Paul despised war and wasn't
willing to lend his moral capital to the effort to overthrow
Saddam Hussein by force. It is also true, however, that the pope
recognized the moral good in freedom over tyranny. He never
tired of chiding world leaders of all stripes and of all faiths
to respect the basic human rights of their people.
Human rights are no less important for Muslims as they are for
anyone else. Until Iraq's elections, it was easy to assume that
Iraqis didn't really want to be free. Looking across the Middle
East, Western policy makers had for decades assumed that Arabs
were not meant to be free. But that assumption, like the Iron
Curtain, is now falling as people lose their fear to speak out.
Partly this is due to America's military might in Iraq. But in
Lebanon, Egypt and perhaps even the Palestinian areas, the
chains of fear are starting to slip. People in the Middle East
are starting to hope and have faith in their future.
Before the pope's death, even Castro came to understand that he
had to acknowledge papal power, even while fearing the people
power that was likely to unleash. It's unfortunate that John
Paul II will not be here to see democracy take root in the
Muslim world. But his message that governments must be held to a
higher moral standard in respecting basic human dignity will be
no less powerful as free societies begin to sprout in the Middle
East.
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