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China Faces 250 Million Ton Oil Shortage by 2020, Oil News Says
July 25 (Bloomberg) -- China may face a shortage of 250 million
metric tons of crude oil by 2020 as local production may meet only 44
percent of demand, China Oil News said, citing a Xinhua news agency
report.
China's consumption of crude oil may reach 450 million tons by 2020,
with local output at 200 million tons, the report said, citing Chen Geng,
president of China National Petroleum Corp. The country's demand for
gasoline, diesel and kerosene may total 260 million tons by 2020, the
report said.
China's oil companies face challenges including lack of domestic crude
oil stockpiles, increasing difficulties in finding new sources of oil
and the lack of new technology to boost output at its refineries, the
report said. China's refineries are now operating at 90 percent of their
capacities to meet the country's demand for fuels, Chen was cited as
saying.
China, the world's biggest oil consumer after the U.S., may consume
about 6.29 million barrels a day this year, an increase of 15 percent,
the International Energy Agency said. The country imported 57 percent
more oil products in the first half of the year, while rising prices saw
the bill climb 66 percent to $4.5 billion, according to customs figures.
Among other products, ethylene demand in China may double to 23 million
tons by 2020, Chen was cited as saying. China would need to import 40
percent of its ethylene to meet demand by then, the report said.
China's natural gas output is expected to rise to 120 billion cubic
meters by 2020, from 34 billion cubic meters, the report said. Gas
demand may rise to 200 billion cubic meters from 30 billion cubic
meters, it said.
Energy conservation could help resolve part of China's energy shortages,
Chen was cited as saying.
China Oil News is published by China National Petroleum, parent of Hong
Kong-listed PetroChina Co.
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Analysts: oil supply
cushion is thin
Brad Foss 14 August 2004
WASHINGTON, D.C. -- With so much uncertainty roiling oil markets these
days, analysts say one thing is clear: The world's supply cushion is
perilously thin.
Whether the amount of extra fuel that could be pumped in a pinch is 1
million barrels a day, as many believe, or significantly more than that
doesn't really matter, because the amount of actual production at risk
these days is even greater.
As a result, the threat of output disruptions in Iraq, Russia, Venezuela
and beyond has thrust crude futures above $46 a barrel for the first
time -- the latest run-up coming even after Saudi Arabia offered the
market all it had. If world demand continues to rise, don't expect cheap
prices anytime soon, analysts said.
On Friday, the price of crude for September delivery surged to $46.58 a
barrel on the New York Mercantile Exchange, a rise of $1.08. That is
crude's highest Nymex settlement on record, although on an
inflation-adjusted basis it is still about $11 below the price leading
up to the first Gulf War.
In the past, a comfortable surplus of available output, or capacity,
could be depended on to temper the effects that geopolitical fears might
have on oil markets, said Lawrence Goldstein, president of PIRA Energy
Group in New York."
But today all uncertainties must be immediately factored into the
price," Goldstein said. "We simply don't have the cushion anymore."
There is no literal shortage of oil right now, and prices probably would
fall if the threat of sabotage against Iraqi oil infrastructure waned
and if the Russian government and oil-giant Yukos resolved their
dispute.
But that still would leave oil markets vulnerable to other geopolitical
flare-ups, analysts said, explaining why futures are trading above $40
through the end of next summer and many believe the $50 level will be
reached before then.
The world has anywhere from 500,000 to 1.5 million barrels a day of
spare capacity -- the bulk of it in Saudi Arabia -- that could be tapped
instantly to offset a temporary loss of supply."
This is an exceptionally low ratio for an 81.4 million-barrel-per-day
supply system and is well below the 10-year average of 5.0 million
barrels per day," notes A.G. Edwards senior oil analyst L. Bruce Lanni.
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World creeping closer to
`oil shock'
Energy crisis could
loom, experts say Politics, corporate moves are factors
DAVID OLIVE BUSINESS COLUMNIST
Are we running out of oil? Are we in danger of another energy crisis of
the magnitude of the 1970s "oil shocks" that condemned us to a decade of
economic stagnation? And with our desultory regard for conservation and
alternative energy sources, are we risking ever greater oil dependence
on the volatile Middle East?
Yes, yes and yes.
Of course we're running out of oil
and natural gas; they're non-renewable resources, and the rate of
discovery of so-called "elephants" has been on the decline for decades
since the halcyon days of Alaska's Prudhoe Bay and the North Sea. Worse,
the more recent discoveries have been made in some of the world's most
remote and politically unstable places — among them, Nigeria, Sudan,
Russia, Indonesia and the former Soviet republics of central Asia.
The critical issue is how soon will
the oil run out? It's estimated that we've already exhausted about half
of the original 2 trillion barrels of oil on Earth, which is a bit
alarming given the relatively primitive state of global
industrialization in the early decades of oil exploration. We're sure to
run through the remaining half of the Earth's oil endowment much faster,
especially with the emergence of China, India and other developing world
nations as dynamic, oil-hungry economies.
The two factors weighing most
heavily on fretful energy forecasters are geopolitics and the behaviour
of oil-producing corporations.
Political
instability:
An otherwise sanguine Martin Wolf
of U.K.'s Financial Times, who expects current high oil prices to spur
discoveries that will ease the world oil price, as in the past,
acknowledges that, "After Sept. 11, 2001, the U.S. entered an
ideological conflict with the world's oil superpower (that is, the
Middle East), which itself is politically riven." The test of wills
between the White House and several Mideast regimes "should make us all
very nervous," says Wolf, especially given the increasingly precarious
state of the ruling House of Saud.
The obvious parallel is the 1979
collapse of the Shah of Iran, whose regime, like the current regime in
Riyadh, was a U.S. ally with only fragile local support. "If a collapse
of the Saudi regime removed the country's supply from world markets,
even temporarily, 10 per cent of global output would vanish," Wolf
notes.
The weak Saudi government, Osama
bin Laden's principal target, is highly vulnerable. "Just one successful
Al Qaeda attack on the giant production facilities of Saudi Arabia or
Abu Dhabi could produce a global recession," writes Don Coxe, chairman
of Chicago's Harris Investment Management, in Maclean's.
The political uncertainties radiate
outward from Riyadh. In Iraq's botched occupation, saboteurs have
prevented the world's No. 2 nation in oil reserves from returning even
to its prewar output of 2.5 million barrels per day, with the White
House's promise of a quick ramp-up to 6 million barrels per day now
regarded as a distant dream.
Libya is back in business again,
now that dictator Moammar Gadhafi has repudiated his nuclear-weapons
ambitions, ending an 18-year U.S. embargo against the world No. 9
oil-reserve holder. Here again, though, the caprice of Gadhafi is a real
concern. That also applies to the ever-shifting dictates of Russian
president Vladimir Putin, Venezuela's Hugo Chavez and kleptocratic
dictators in central Asia. Government by fiat is a mighty deterrent for
even the world's largest oil companies to commit to multibillion-dollar
exploration programs in regions were governments routinely renege on
deals, and expropriation and eviction are real prospects.
Oil
companies' retreat:
With oil prices now 30 per cent
higher than the average for 2000-2003, and Canadian pump prices
approaching $1 per litre, oil companies should, by tradition, be
deploying their windfall profits into the search for new reserves.
But that's not happening this time.
Increased worldwide spending this year on exploration and production
(E&P) is projected at just 9 per cent — less than half the increase
following previous oil-price jumps. ExxonMobil Corp. and ChevronTexaco
Corp. are among the oil majors who've refused to boost their E&P budgets
this year. Which means junior and mid-sized producers account for most
of this year's modest increase in E&P activity.
As noted, the oil majors are
super-cautious about committing to mega-projects in unstable regions.
They're also jittery about a sudden, sharp decline in oil prices that
would make a hash of their long-term payout projections —
understandably, given that as recently as the late 1990s, oil slumped to
about $10 (U.S.) a barrel, or just one-quarter of today's price.
The oil majors have learned from
their earlier misplaced exuberance. "What they're saying," analyst Paul
Sankey of Deutsche Bank Securities told the Wall Street Journal last
month, "is, `we've blown it in the past, we're not going to do that
again.'"
And, as never before in modern
times, the industry's decision-making power is concentrated in very few
hands. A rash of late-1990s mergers among top-tier oil producers created
a tight fraternity of about half a dozen companies large enough to take
on the biggest projects.
Merger architects like Lee Raymond
of the former Exxon Corp. and Sir John Browne of BP PLC (which triggered
the takeover boom by absorbing Amoco Corp. and Arco Corp.), initially
hailed their combinations as super-producers uniquely capable of opening
up the world's most daunting regions to oil and gas production.
Instead, the new giants have
focused on paying off their acquisition-related debt, cutting personnel
and other costs, shedding marginal properties and buying back their own
stock in order to boost share prices to which executive pay is tied.
The charitable view is that Big Oil
is merely reacting to investor expectations. "CEOs are listening to what
institutional shareholders want," Lehman Brothers Inc. analyst James
Crandell told Business Week in June. "Production growth is a
secondary goal, if it's a goal at all."
The less charitable view is that
consumers are now at the mercy of a cabal of like-minded Big Oil CEOs
who are no longer forced to bet their companies on a potential giant
discovery — as the plucky Arco did in Prudhoe Bay in partnership with
Exxon — because of a tacit understanding among today's majors that they
won't compete for the kinds of projects that once could make a company.
Chemical producer Jon Meade
Huntsman of Utah, whose firm has been whipsawed by soaring oil prices,
along with airlines, power utilities and other sectors, complains in
Business Week that "we've got (an oil) monopoly that's, in effect,
more dangerous than during the Rockefeller era" of the early 20th
century.
The current oil price surge has
been a boon to alternative-energy entrepreneurs seeking financing for
their projects. And concerns about global warming and energy
self-sufficiency have put alternatives to fossil fuels on the national
agenda of countries like Canada, where in the recent federal election
campaign both the Liberal and NDP platforms promised outsized
commitments to wind power.
But these are long-term solutions,
at best. After decades of research, fuel cells have yet to show any sign
of becoming a practical alternative to the internal combustion engine.
Electricity generated from solar panels is about 10 times more expensive
than power generated by traditional means. Wind-turbine technology has
dropped significantly in price, and is now competitive with
natural-gas-fired power plants.
But it's still no match for
coal-generated power in price. Thirty-four years since the first Earth
Day put environmental awareness on the map, alternatives to fossil-fuel
energy will account for only an estimated 6.7 per cent of U.S. energy
consumption this year.
In the meantime, a nasty
combination of political hurdles, arguably misplaced Big Oil priorities,
stunted conservation efforts, and unanticipated soaring demand from
China and the Indian subcontinent is conspiring to bring on a full-blown
crisis.
Without a meaningful increase in
investment to develop new energy sources, the world could face a severe
supply shortage by 2020, British energy consultant John Westwood of
Douglas-Westwood Ltd. told the Wall Street Journal last month.
"As far as we're concerned, this is
not the real crunch," Westwood said of the current oil-supply squeeze.
"This is just a practice."
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Skids are Greased for Oil
Crisis
by Elizabeth Sullivan
When geologists speak of Hubbert's Peak, they're not talking
mountaintops or hairdos. They're referring to a time - maybe not so far
off - when the world will run out of fertile new oilfields and new ways
to recover oil, and petroleum supplies will begin an inevitable and
maybe very fast slide.
Today, almost all OPEC nations appear to be pumping
flat-out, yet the world still is just an oil workers strike or pipeline
saboteur's attack away from big trouble.
That's a clear sign that the old OPEC cushion - excess capacity that
allowed Middle East producers to control the market and price - is no
more.
That might be good news, except that Iraqi insurgents are demonstrating
almost daily how small groups of fighters can make outsized shock waves
through the world economy simply by going after the oil infrastructure.
The potential for Middle East terrorists bent on bringing the West to
its knees is sobering.
With supplies so tight and demand surging, even a few disruptions in
world oil supplies could fan inflation and torpedo recoveries. Adding to
the problem is that Russia, the world's No. 2 oil exporter after Saudi
Arabia, could see disruptions to oil shipments. Russian leader Vladimir
Putin seems determined to go to any lengths in his political vendetta
against oil baron Mikhail Khodorkovsky, even if it means sacrificing the
health of the country's oil sector.
But on top of that, a number of major oil-producing nations have lost
capacity or face instability threatening output, including Indonesia,
Venezuela and Nigeria.
Any excess oil has long since disappeared down the maw of surging
economies in China and India and a recovering one in the United States.
Only Saudi Arabia can open its spigots at will, but how long its
reported 11 million barrel-a-day bonus stream could run before running
out is unknown.
Meanwhile, industry experts believe the once-ballyhooed Caspian Sea lode
- advertised at potentially 200 billion barrels of oil - almost a second
Persian Gulf - could be far less rich and far riskier to develop than
once assumed.
Carl Larry, a senior energy analyst for Barclays Capital Inc. in New
York, thinks the days of below-$30-a-barrel oil are gone forever - and
the days of $50 or $60 a barrel may be coming.
"I don't think a lot of oil companies were prepared to see demand grow
as it has," he said.
What hasn't been surprising is how blasé U.S. consumers appear in the
face of nearly doubled gas prices. "As long as the economy is strong,
people will take higher prices and still drive," said Larry, Barclays'
associate director of energy futures.
"Hubbert's Peak" comes from a theory advanced more than 50 years ago
that U.S. oil supplies were running out faster than anyone had
anticipated. M. King Hubbert, a Shell Oil research geophysicist in Texas
after World War II, crunched numbers on known fields and exploratory
techniques, sketched out a bell chart and announced that U.S. oil
production would peak in the late 1960s or early 1970s and then go into
steep decline.
At a time of huge new finds and predictions of 500 years' worth of oil,
Hubbert's "pimple" was laughed at. Then, around 1970, it came true.
Ever since, the United States has become increasingly dependent on
foreign sources of oil.
Recently, some scientists tried to take the same principles and apply
them to the world scene.
Kenneth Deffeyes, a Princeton emeritus professor who used to work with
Hubbert at Shell, wrote in "Hubbert's Peak: The Impending World Oil
Shortage," that world oil production could begin to drop between 2004
and 2009.
The Hubbert's Peak forecasts have some flaws. They're heavily dependent
on accurately projecting how much oil there is in the world - a hotly
disputed number. And since they're based on past behavior, they're
likely to understate what might happen in times of acute shortage when
radical new techniques and approaches will become profitable.
But what Hubbert got right is the human tendency to believe that
everything will muddle along approximately as it is, and to assume that
short-term fixes will repair all problems, even oil-supply problems.
The market is telling us something today - that investments in the
future are needed.
Hubbert's Peak may be only theoretical. But good theories have a way of
proving true. It's past time for the United States to take the
present-day oil crunch seriously - and to develop serious policies to
confront it, including comprehensive energy and gas-tax reforms.
Sullivan is The Plain Dealer's foreign-affairs columnist and an
associate editor of the editorial pages.
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Murdoch warns
of oil crunch on US
By Geoff Elliott
-August 19, 2004
RUPERT Murdoch, chairman and chief executive of The News
Corporation Limited, has sounded a warning about the effect of oil
prices on the world economy and said that if they go much higher it
would "crunch" the US economy.
"The US is going to absorb
the oil price where it is today with difficulty, and if they go much
higher, it could really crunch us," Mr. Murdoch told The Australian in
an interview.
"I think we'll get through it all right but the danger is
in the Middle East exploding - such as a revolution in Saudi Arabia or
somewhere like that - and then you've got oil going $US80 a barrel.
"It would stop the American economy,
it would stop the Japanese economy and it would stop the Chinese
economy.
"There's not a lot of chance of that, but there is more chance than
there has been in the past."
Mr. Murdoch predicted lower prices
ahead of the Iraq war but said yesterday the difficulties in securing
peace in Iraq after the successful shock-and-awe campaign had helped
send prices higher.
"The US had the right number of troops
to brilliantly win the war in 10 days/two weeks but not enough troops to
police the country and control the borders."
Mr. Murdoch said there would be no
easy exit for the coalition forces out of Iraq, predicting the campaign
would last at least another three or four years.
He added oil prices were also surging
thanks to the strength of Chinese demand.
"You have a recovering world economy -
along with Japan which is using more oil, and on top of that a runaway
situation in China which is just buying all the raw materials,
particularly energy; their need for energy is just leaping up."
Mr Murdoch would not be drawn on the
forthcoming elections in the US and Australia, other than to say the US
poll was too close to call but he expected a clear trend to emerge after
the Republican convention next month.
He said he was too far removed to
comment on the Australian political scene, other than to say a strong
economy favours the incumbent.
"As a rule of thumb it is the
hip-pocket nerve - and people in the whole country are doing well," he
said.
Mr Murdoch is in Australia to meet
shareholders in News Corporation (publisher of The Australian) over the
company's plan to move its place of incorporation to the US.
Mr Murdoch said Australian investors
were disappointed they may be forced to sell out of News Corp because of
a decision by US agency Standard & Poor's to exclude News Corp from key
investment benchmarks that dictate which companies professional
investors can invest superannuation funds in.
He said most investors he has met
thought the company's decision to move to the US was inevitable and
appropriate and he was "very hopeful" it would be approved at a
shareholder vote in October.
"I wouldn't say it was a done deal,
no, and that's why we are here, but I would say we are very hopeful.
"We would like to see 15 to 25per cent
of (News Corp) shares remain in this country, and certainly we would be
very comfortable - having seen what we've seen today - that we would get
that, certainly the smaller figure, and I'm talking about permanently."
He has also told The Australian News
Corp plans to dramatically increase its capital expenditure on its
global portfolio of newspapers, as the demand for colour display
advertising surges.
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BERLIN - Germany and the European Union must depend
increasingly on energy imports. Berlin views the ,,geopolitical
consequences" of this dependence on energy resources in other
nations as of the ,,utmost strategic importance" for its
ambitions as a world power. For that reason, Germany has been urging for
some time that the EU engage in joint activities to assert political
power. German government advisors leave no doubt that Berlin and
Brussels will also have to adjust to using armed conflicts in the drive
for diminishing energy sources in this ,,intensifying economic and
political competition for power."
Increasing Need for Energy
Berlin's strategies of independent European world power politics presume
that securing the energy supply will decide the fate of its far reaching
plans for world power. Second to the USA, the EU is currently the
biggest importer and user of energy in the world and thus depends to a
great degree on access to (preferably low cost) foreign energy sources.
According to estimates by the EU commission, the oil and gas reserves of
the EU and Norway will last only another 25 years. Two thirds of the
demand for oil and gas must currently be covered by imports. The current
dependency on imports of 75% of oil from the OPEC states, could increase
to 85% by the year 2020. At the moment the EU still covers 50% of the
demand for natural gas from its own sources. Since the British sources
in the North Atlantic will soon be depleted , the demand for imports of
gas will increase further.
In this regard, Berlin is doubly affected: Germany has, on average, been
60% (1999) more energy dependent compared to other EU member countries,
it imports about 98 % of its oil and 75% of its needed gas. German
dependency on oil imports will increase considerably: The economic
ministry's prognosis suggests a drastic increase of three to six times
as much consumption of natural gas. Natural gas which has already become
the most used energy in German industry, will be the basis of more than
half of Germany's energy by 2020. At the same time, German energy
companies already control a large part of the European energy supply and
now strive for a particularly dominant position in European natural gas
supplies. Several countries already depend considerably on German
companies for the shipping and sale of natural gas. Berlin's expert
advisors on energy policies, principally, see the following options for
the future increase of oil and gas imports: Russia, the Middle East.
Central Asia and to a lesser extent Africa.
Africa as a ,,Backyard"
Berlin
increasingly strives for access to the energy sources of Africa which is
viewed as Europe's ,,backyard" because of its connection with the
colonial past. Advisors to Berlin's government explain that ,,Europe"
must consolidate its relations with African oil and natural gas
providers in order to secure its energy supply. German corporations are
expanding their involvement in North Africa, i.e. in Libya, RWE invested
in oil and natural gas production. The foreign office is interested in
Chad. There, significant oil reserves are to be channeled via pipeline
through Cameroon to the Gulf of Guinea where considerable oil and
natural gas resources are located as well. The government of the booming
oil state Equatorial Guinea already promotes German involvement in its
country. In the current crisis region of Sudan, a German company is to
build a railroad which, among others, will serve to transport oil from
the South of Sudan.
,,Strategic Partnership" with Russia
At the
moment, however, Germany and the EU are primarily concerned with large
imports of oil and gas from Russia. This is expressed in the
European-Russian ,,energy partnership" which had been proclaimed
in October of 2000. This connection is primarily a German-Russian one:
,,Strategic projects" for energy supplies were the focal point of
the summit in Jekaterinburg in October of 2003. With this specifically
German-Russian ,,strategic partnership," Berlin intends to reduce
the influence of other western states and corporations on the supply of
the EU states, especially concerning increasingly important natural gas.
In July of 2004 this cooperation was expanded: An agreement with Gazprom
(the worlds largest producer of natural gas) facilitates the
participation of German companies in the complete processing chain of
Russian gas production for the first time - from exploration and
transport through the new pipeline to marketing in Western Europe. An
additional project is a new gas pipeline from Russia through the Baltic
Sea to Germany. This is to pressure, and possibly exclude, the Ukraine
and Poland, whose territory had been originally planned for the transit,
but which could possibly become unstable and subject to Washington's
pressure.1)
Berlin's close cooperation with Moscow is solidified further with the
discussion group ,,German-Russian Energy Cooperation,"
established by representatives of the economies of both states in March
of 2003, and with ,,German-Russian energy summits" of which the
next one will take place in Moscow in September.
,,Massive Interest" in the Gulf Region
The
particular reason for the energy alliance with Russia, which will supply
approximately one third of the German oil and gas imports, are the
imponderables of developments in the Middle East and Persian Golf
regions. According to the unofficial German Association for Foreign
Policy (DGAP), strategic trends of a potentially increasing dependency
of the EU on significant oil and gas imports caused competition with the
US and its energy policies. Berlin is angry because the EU has been
placed into a (junior-) partnership with the US due to Washington's
militarily reinforced position of power.
Cooperation in shaping the ,,New Order"
Berlin's political advisers of the Stiftung Wissenschaft und Politik
(SWP or foundation for science and policy), criticize the EU for
disavowing any assertion of ,,geopolitical interests," although
for Europe the stakes in energy policy interests are more important than
those of the USA: While the EU depends, for a large part of its energy
supply, on the resources of the Middle East, it has fewer alternatives.
Thus, the EU must have a ,,tremendous interest in access to the
natural gas resources of the Gulf Region" especially since Russia's
production of natural gas has been decreasing since 1990. Therefore the
SWP recommends cooperation with the USA in the ,,new order" of
the Gulf Region: ,,It would be sensible if the current crisis in the
Gulf would be used to define European interests concerning its
guaranteed supply and, if necessary, implement a consistent policy."2)
The focus is especially on Iran which holds 15% of the world's oil
reserves. Berlin's intention is to decrease German dependence on Russian
energy reserves with the help of Iranian natural gas. However, shipping
to Germany must still be organized which could create further conflicts.
Iran's agreement for the construction of a gas pipeline to Armenia
caused considerable disagreements between Moscow and Erewan which, until
now, has been considered Russia's closest ally in the southern Caucasus.
Russian specialists fear that the pipeline would be extended through
Georgia and under the Black Sea to Europe and could diminish the sales
of Russian natural gas in Europe. At the time of these disagreements
over the pipeline, the foreign office engaged in intensive activities
concerning the Caucasus, which could complicate the struggle for
dominance in the southern Caucasus even further.
,,Exclusive Connection" with the Caucasus
In
order to secure the ,,unhampered energy supply from the southern
Caucasus and Central Asia," the Caucasus is of ,,great
geo-strategic significance" for German-Europe. Berlin views the EU
as a good starting point to challenge the Russian claim to power further
in this region: The SWP clarifies that the various activities (OSZE,
Energiecharta agreement, membership of all states of the Caucasus in the
Council of Europe, partnership and agreements of cooperation with the
EU) would offer the basis for an ,,exclusive connection" of the
Caucasus and the Caspian region with Europe. Advisers to Berlin's
government demand that in this case a further involvement, which might
include military intervention (,,contribution to conflict resolution")
and a coordinated EU strategy for the region. ,,It should include a
European contribution to conflict resolution and a connection with
Europe below the threshold of EU membership as well as the design and
the conversion of a transport infrastructure which would conform to
European interests in securing [energy] supplies."3)
,,Some Conflicts"
Generally, the energy policy advisers to Berlin's government assume
that, in the future, Germany and the EU will have to assert themselves
in a more intense competition for such strategic resources as oil and
gas. They say that, in view of the potential increase of the EU's
dependency on larger oil and gas imports from the Middle East and the
Persian Golf, its own interests are already in ,,some conflict with
American energy policies." Similar conflicts are also expected for
the other supplying regions. According to present estimates, the amount
extracted by Russia will not be sufficient to supply Asia and Europe
with the necessary amounts of oil and gas simultaneously. Thus they
predict that in the future the EU might compete with Asia and the USA
for a ,,partnership" with Russia. In Central Asia, as well, an
,,intensified economic and political competition for power"
especially with Japan, India, the US and eventually Russia over
diminishing energy sources, cannot be precluded.
The rapidly increasing need for energy which is linked to the economic
growth of Asia, especially China, is seen as a new threat to the
German-European ,,secure supply." The Asian countries are - as is
the EU - increasingly dependent on importing energy. The People's
Republic of China (PRC) has already become the world's second largest
consumer of energy next to the US. In particular, the Berlin strategists
perceive a threat because China seeks access to energy resources
especially in those countries in which western energy companies are not
well represented (i.e. Iran, Iraq, Yemen or Sudan). That the PRC, as
well as India, combine their energy cooperation with the supplying
states with relations of a political, economic, military and military
technology nature, provides them with increasing influence on these
states and strengthens their position in the global playing field.4)
It is thought that this presents numerous challenges not only to the USA
but also to Europe and that ,,geopolitical implications" have, so
far, not been sufficiently considered.
War Games
Berlin urges that the EU should
actively increase its political as well as its military power.5) Concepts based almost exclusively on factors
and requirements of the market economy, are not sufficient for the
preservation of western energy security, thus: The ,,game of the
market powers" will be dominated, even determined, considerably by
political power factors in a political crisis or during military
conflicts. The German advisers to the government therefore demand that
Germany and the EU must prepare for military conflicts in order to
secure future supplies of energy.
The ,,Bundesakademie fuer Sicherheitspolitik" (federal academy
for security policy) which, as a center for strategy of German war
policy and, like no other institution, symbolizes Berlin's purposeful
return to imperialistic great power status, discusses in a current
publication the ,,geopolitical effects" of the open ,,energy
issue." It argues that this is of ,,greatest strategic
significance" in striving for a joint foreign and military policy of
the EU member states. This makes it ,,compellingly necessary that for
future German and European energy policies increased foreign and
security policy factors will have to be considered."6)
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New York crude smashes past
US$48 for first time
Media Corp News-Asia - 6
September 2004
NEW YORK : New York crude oil smashed
past 48 dollars a barrel for the first time, menacing the 50-dollar
mark, as heavy fighting gripped the Iraqi city of Najaf.
New York's benchmark light sweet crude for delivery in September tore
1.43 dollars higher to an unprecedented settlement of 48.70 dollars a
barrel.
In electronic trade shortly after the market closed, it spiked at an
all-time high 48.82 dollars.
"There is a strong possibility we could see 50 (dollars a barrel)
tomorrow," said Alaron Trading analyst Phil Flynn.
"The Iraq situation is taking a turn for the worse."
London's Brent North Sea crude contract for October delivery surged 1.30
dollars to a record close 44.33.
Intense shelling pounded the Old City of Najaf not far from the revered
Imam Ali shrine where Shiite militiamen were locked in a stand-off with
US-led Iraqi troops, an AFP correspondent said.
The thud of heavy artillery fire could be heard from the direction of
the city's vast cemetery.
Earlier, Iraqi Prime Minister Iyad Allawi issued a "final call" for the
militia to disarm and said he was still prepared to accept a personal
document from Shiite Muslim militia leader Moqtada Sadr on a truce.
Oil traders sweated as an aide to Sadr told Al-Jazeera television that
residents of southern Iraq had set oil pipelines on fire and threatened
to torch oil wells across Iraq.
"Al Sadr's refusal to lay down arms and to get out of Najaf, as well as
Shiite rebels breaking into the Southern Iraqi Oil Company and setting
fire to its offices, raises concerns that the oil fields could be next,"
Flynn said.
"The insurgents are getting extremely bold."
Exports of crude from Iraq's southern oil terminals have been halved to
around 40,000 barrels per hour because of threats to infrastructure from
Shiite Muslim militia, according to Southern Oil Company officials.
Fadel Gheit, energy market analyst at Oppenheimer, said the market
seemed to be driven by speculators.
"It is no longer on automatic pilot, it is out of control," he said.
"I think somebody -- maybe hedge funds or commodity traders -- is making
a huge bet that they are going to bring it up to 50 and then they will
cash out of their bets and then we will see prices coming down very
sharply," Gheit said.
"I cannot think of any logical reason that would push oil prices today
by a dollar plus, on the top of the 10 dollar increase in the last
weeks. It is just impossible for anybody to comprehend."
Fears of a Venezuela recall referendum degenerating into an oil strike
had proven unfounded, Gheit said.
Norway's oil industry had been on strike for six weeks now without any
impact on output, he said.
And concerns over financially troubled Yukos, Russia's largest oil
producer, had been "totally blown out of proportion" because even if it
halted output other Russian firms could immediately replace its exports.
The Iraqi situation appeared to be mishandled by the United States,
Gheit said.
"But the worst case scenario is for Iraq to stop production altogether.
And I guarantee you, there (would still be) plenty of supply on the
market," Gheit said.
Commodities and hedge funds were betting that US President George W.
Bush would stick to his refusal to release oil from the emergency
Strategic Petroleum Reserve, Gheit said.
"If he comes out and says: 'Enough is enough, I have changed my mind and
I am going to release oil from the Strategic Petroleum Reserve,' I
guarantee you oil prices will drop by more than 10 dollars in a few
days," he said.
The Strategic Petroleum Reserve, an emergency supply stored in huge
underground salt caverns along the coastline of the Gulf of Mexico,
stands at 666.5 million barrel.
Bush has refused to tap the reserve for any event short of a major
disruption to supplies. In November 2001, he ordered that it be filled
to the maximum 700-million-barrel capacity.
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Oil prices climb on worries
over Hurricane Ivan, US inventories
Media Corp News-Asia – 10
September
LONDON : World crude prices rose,
supported by concerns over Hurricane Ivan's potential impact on Gulf of
Mexico oil operations and disappointing US inventory data.
The price of benchmark Brent North Sea crude oil for delivery in October
climbed eight cents to 42.30 dollars per barrel in early trading in
London on Friday.
Brent had soared by 1.83 dollars to close at 42.22 dollars on Thursday.
New York's reference contract, light sweet crude for October delivery,
won 20 cents to 44.81 dollars per barrel in pre-opening electronic
deals, having risen 1.84 dollars the previous day.
"We are still pretty strong," GNI-Man Financial trader Lee Elliott said.
"It's holding up pretty much on the back of last night. There was good
fund buying at the end of last night keeping prices strong with
Hurricane Ivan helping to push the market higher," he said.
Hurricane Ivan hurtled toward Jamaica Friday after devastating the
Caribbean island of Grenada, where up to 24 people died, and killing
nine others in Venezuela, the Dominican Republic and Tobago.
The storm packed winds of up to 230 kilometers (145 miles) per hour as
it headed for Jamaica where the authorities ordered the population to
take emergency precautions before a predicted impact on Friday.
The hurricane meanwhile appeared likely to move into the Gulf of Mexico,
the site of considerable oil production.
"Eyes remain on Hurricane Ivan, which is headed for Jamaica and could
hit the oil-producing areas of the Gulf of Mexico by early next week,"
analysts at the Sucden brokerage firm said.
"The storm has shut some oil production off Trinidad and halted
Venezuelan shipments from the eastern ports," they added.
Traders' concern over possible disruption to production in the Gulf of
Mexico along with weak inventory reports for the United States ahead of
the winter heating season sent prices soaring by almost two dollars on
Thursday.
The US Energy Department said distillate inventories, which include
heating oils, rose by a modest 200,000 barrels to 126.6 million in the
week to September 3, well below analysts' forecasts for a rise of 1.25
million barrels.
"US oil demand remains extremely strong. Heating oil inventories are
still not building fast enough, and that feature is likely to become an
increasing focus for the market," analysts at Barclays Capital said in a
note to clients.
Traders were meanwhile looking ahead to next week's meeting of the
Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries to discuss output policy.
But with prices high and OPEC kingpin Saudi Arabia "pumping at full
capacity", Lee said he did not expect much to come out of the meeting in
Vienna on Wednesday.
- AFP
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Spiking oil prices threaten
U.S. economy
By
MICHAEL E. KANELL
-The
Atlanta Journal-Constitution – 19 Aug 2004
Fear
drove oil prices to a record high Thursday, sparking concern that a
wobbly U.S. economy might once again be thrown into recession by high
energy costs.
Oil
ended the day at $48.70 a barrel, jumping $1.42, after renewed violence
in Iraq, including an attack on oil industry headquarters there.
Although oil prices were higher in the early 1980s when inflation is
factored in, the recent run-up puts prices more than 90 percent higher
than they were before the U.S. invasion of Iraq and 60 percent higher
than their average since 2000.
That
effect is similar to the price spikes that pushed the economy into
recession at least three times before.
Anything over $40 a barrel is damaging, but a "true shock" comes at $50
a barrel, said Stephen Roach, chief economist at Morgan Stanley, in an
online posting Thursday.
"World oil markets are now too close for comfort to that critical price
point," he wrote. "The oil price is firmly in the danger zone."
A
weak economy can be hurled into recession by high prices, he said.
"Most
of the oil shocks of the past fall into [that] category — hitting
economies when they are vulnerable," wrote Roach. "Unfortunately, the
Oil Shock of 2004 fits that script to a T."
After
a brief recession in 2001, the U.S recovery has been the "most anemic on
record," Roach said.
A
burst of growth a year ago was fueled by tax rebates, a home refinancing
boom and federal spending — and all have since faded. Even so, to pitch
the economy into recession, prices must stay high for more than three
months, he said.
It
also should be noted that the American economy is much more efficient
than at the time of the first energy crisis three decades ago — 46
percent less oil is used to produce every $1 of output, Morgan Stanley
estimates. Moreover, a strong economy could chug on through a price
boost, its speed dampened only slightly.
Some
experts say prices should ease. But declines were predicted before as
prices climbed through the $30s and then past $40 a barrel. Now,
virtually no one expects them to drop dramatically — even though
inventories of oil are plentiful enough now to justify a price of $32 a
barrel, said energy economist James Williams of Arkansas-based WTRG
Economics.
But
on the supply side, the news has mostly been good.
A
controversial referendum in Venezuela went off peacefully, the Russian
dispute with oil giant Yukos has not disrupted deliveries, and Iraqi
production has continued — albeit at lower levels.
Meanwhile, the world's largest producer, Saudi Arabia, has boosted
pumping. That move alone in the past nearly always sent prices tumbling.
Not this time. Oil traders continue to fret: Will there be an oil strike
in Nigeria? Will al-Qaida succeed in hitting oil pipelines? Will Iraq be
stabilized?
Fear
of disruption now accounts for an unprecedented "risk premium," Williams
said.
American drivers were hit hard in the spring when oil prices rose, then
saw gasoline prices slide. Because refineries were no longer making a
transition to summer blends, drivers have been sheltered.
That
is over, Williams said.
"If
the price stays at $48, you may see no more than another nickel [per
gallon]. But if it goes higher than that, it will flow right through to
the price you pay at the pump."
As a
rule of thumb, every $1 change in the price of oil will shift the price
for gas 2.4 cents per gallon.
Higher prices are like sudden tax boosts. For both consumers and firms,
energy steals spending that would have gone elsewhere.
Even
more damaging to the economy, much of the money flows overseas. However,
economist Thorsten Fischer of Economy.com discounted the danger.
Absent a disastrous disruption of supplies, oil prices anywhere near $50
a barrel are "unsustainable," he said. Oil prices have become a "bubble"
propelled by speculation, he said.
Fischer said prices will come down from current levels once the
speculative bubble bursts. But the longer high prices persist, the more
damage.
"The
real issue is is not whether oil gets to $50 a barrel or not," said
Rajeev Dhawan, director of the Economic Forecasting Center at Georgia
State University. "The issue is how long it stays there."
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'Oil Shock' Has Some
Economists Worried
By Nell Henderson and Justin Blum
Washington Post Staff Writers
Friday, August 20, 2004
Crude oil prices soared
yesterday to nearly $49 a barrel, heightening concerns that sustained
high energy costs could drag the slowing U.S. and world economies into a
more serious downturn.
With growth slowing in
China, Europe and Japan, some economists worry that rapidly escalating
oil prices will trigger a self-reinforcing spiral of falling demand in
the U.S. economy and among its trading partners.
"The economy is near its
tipping point," Stephen S. Roach, chief economist for Morgan Stanley,
said yesterday. He said the nation would likely fall back into recession
if oil prices hover near $50 a barrel for three to six months.
"This is an oil shock,
absolutely," Roach said, noting that yesterday's closing price was 68
percent higher than the roughly $29 per barrel average that had
prevailed since early 2000. "The oil price is high enough to make a real
difference to a vulnerable U.S and global economy."
Roach and other economists
also agree that oil prices could reverse and fall suddenly if the market
psychology changes, which would give a boost to the U.S. economy, and in
turn the rest of the world.
Oil prices have been
climbing for months because of rising global demand and fears that
supplies could be disrupted by terrorist acts in the Middle East and a
legal dispute involving Russia's largest oil producer.
But the pace has quickened
in recent weeks as events that would command little notice in a calmer
environment fed expectations of rising prices. They were then fanned
higher by feverish speculation among traders in the oil markets.
Benchmark U.S. crude oil
for September delivery closed at $48.70 on the New York Mercantile
Exchange yesterday -- a record since trading began in 1983 -- after
surpassing $47 per barrel the day before and exceeding $46 per barrel
for the first time on Friday.
"The speculators have
totally, totally run away with this market," said Fadel Gheit, senior
energy analyst with Oppenheimer & Co. "It is no longer driven by any
resemblance to sanity or fundamentals."
The markets
have pushed prices higher in reaction to any report of a threat to
production. Yesterday, for instance, some traders became alarmed at news
that rebels set the offices of an Iraqi oil company on fire. But prices
have not retreated significantly in reaction to news that bodes well for
production, such as the relative calm that has been maintained during
Venezuela's recent presidential recall referendum.
Voters rank the economy
among their top concerns, and the presidential campaign of Sen. John F.
Kerry (D-Mass.) yesterday blamed record oil prices on President Bush's
economic policies.
"The Bush administration
seems confused about what records it should be setting during the
Olympics," Phil Singer, a Kerry campaign spokesman, said in a statement.
"You don't get gold medals for record oil prices, record deficits or
record health care costs. This is what happens when you have a White
House that lacks a viable strategy for the economy or reducing our
dependence on Middle Eastern oil."
Treasury Secretary John W.
Snow countered by calling on Congress to pass the president's energy
bill to make the economy less dependent on foreign oil, according to the
text of a speech he delivered to workers in Missouri.
"The price of oil is
causing an economic headwind," Snow said. "The president's plan will
lead to lower costs and that's very important for our economy."
Adjusting for inflation,
the price of oil remains far below a 1981 peak, when the level was
equivalent to more than $72 a barrel in today's dollars, said John C.
Felmy, chief economist at the American Petroleum Institute, an industry
group based in Washington.
But higher prices have
rippled around the globe, as forecasters from Wall Street to Brussels to
Seoul trim economic growth estimates.
"Europe is looking pretty
fragile right now anyway, so this oil price shock comes at a bad time,"
said Jonathan Hoffman, chief European economist at Royal Bank of
Scotland Financial Markets, according to an Associated Press report. "We
are in a different world than what we used to be. . . . Who knows what
al Qaeda is doing in Saudi Arabia?"
Meanwhile, higher prices
sting U.S. consumers and businesses in a variety of ways.
Americans were paying an
average $1.87 yesterday for a gallon of regular gasoline, 15 percent
more than a year ago, according to the AAA auto club. Even with rising
oil prices, U.S. gasoline prices have slipped from their highs this year
in May because of ample supplies relative to domestic demand.
If the
price of oil hits $50 a barrel, U.S. households will see their weekly
costs rise by an average $14.80 per family, according to a recent study
by the National Energy Assistance Directors' Association.
Higher diesel fuel prices
raise truckers' costs to haul automobile parts, milk, furniture and
other goods from one place to another. Trucking companies increasingly
are passing those costs on to other companies.
Action Express Inc., a
trucking company based in Milwaukee, is tacking a 7 percent surcharge
onto its shipping bills, said Peter Gerasch, the firm's operations
manager. On a typical haul between Milwaukee and Detroit to deliver auto
parts, that means a surcharge of about $90 a load, he said.
"It makes it more expensive
to run loads," Gerasch said. "Pretty much you pass it on, pass it on,
pass it on."
Truckers have not been able
to pass on all their higher costs, said Bob Costello, chief economist of
the American Trucking Associations.
"It hurts," Costello said.
The money-losing airline
industry is paying higher prices for jet fuels but is prevented by
fierce competition from raising fares to compensate.
United Parcel Service Inc.,
the delivery company that operates a fleet of 88,000 vehicles and 270
aircraft, is paying more for both diesel and jet fuel.
The company adds a
surcharge for express packages delivered by air, and it has been raising
the surcharge steadily, said Susan Rosenberg, a company spokeswoman. It
plans to lift it to 8.5 percent next month.
UPS has been working to
hold down costs by buying fuel in bulk and dispatching its fleet more
efficiently, she said.
Staff
writer Jonathan Weisman contributed to this report.
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TERRORISM IN SAUDI ARABIA
: Serious Repercussions On World Economy
By Sankar Sen
The author is a former Director, National
Police Academy
The sharp rise in violent terrorist attacks on
foreigners climaxed by the decapitation of American engineer Johnson
marks a sinister phase in the upsurge of terrorism in the Saudi kingdom.
US secretary of state Collin Powell has warned of a dangerous situation
and said that the killing of foreigners was a direct attack on the Saudi
regime. This is the first time the Bush administration has acknowledged
publicly a dramatic upsurge in terrorist violence threatening the very
survival of the Saudi regime.
On 29 May, the terrorists attacked a building
in Saudi Arabia’s seaside resort Khobar and butchered foreign workers
who even vaguely looked western. The official toll at Khobar was 22
killed and 25 injured and most of them were blue-collar non-Muslim Asian
workers. A group calling itself “Quaida Organisation in the Arabian
Peninsula” claimed responsibility. One of the attackers, perhaps their
ringleader, was captured by the Saudi police and three others were
allowed to escape in return for lives of a further 40 hostages.
BBC Cameraman
The terrorists followed up the Khobar attack by
killing the BBC cameraman Simon Chambers who was filming a report on
fear among the expatriates after the Khobar incident. They also
critically injured his colleague Frank Gardener. Al-Quida terrorists
again killed one American engineer and kidnapped another. The Al-Qaida
issued a statement that it “reserved the right to deal with the
Americans in the same way to avenge what the Americans did to our
brothers in Abu Gharib prison and Guantanamo”.
It seems that Saudi kingdom is unable to halt
the wave of violence. During 2003-04 there were 20 violent terrorist
incidents in different parts of Saudi Arabia and this brings into focus
the question of stability of the present regime in Saudi Arabia, which
contains a quarter of world’s known oil reserve.
Terrorism in Saudi Arabia not only targets
westerners who are viewed as the “enemy of Islam” but also aims at
overthrow of the Saudi royal family who are looked upon as stooges of
western imperialism. The terrorists enjoy a large measure of public
support. Many impoverished Saudi young men are imbued with a spirit of
revenge against infidels for atrocities perpetrated against the Muslims
and the ruling establishment for its profligacy and unaccountability.
Among many Saudis, bin Laden is becoming a popular romantic folk-hero.
His message of xenophobic fundamentalism resonates well with the growing
number of have-nots in Saudi Arabia who detest lack of accountability of
many of the 7,000-odd Saudi princes. Though Saudi officials claim that
the militants have no support, a recent government poll showed 49 per
cent of the respondents support Osama bin Laden’s ideas.
The terrorist attacks have generated fear and
panic among 8.8 million expatriates who constitute the backbone of the
kingdom’s workforce. Some experts are leaving, despite good pay and
perks. Many western firms in Saudi Arabia are taking security in their
own hands. Private security firms have reported a sharp increase in the
demand for armed guards. The BBC joined the media groups that hire armed
guards to protect their correspondents in troubled areas. Many
expatriates are of the view that authorities are not doing enough for
their protection.
Direct election
The domestic scenario in Saudi Arabia is also
not encouraging. King Fahd remains an invalid. The de facto ruler, Crown
Prince Abdullah is trying not with great success to introduce reforms.
He has ordered direct election for the local council and also given more
influence to Mazlis-i-Sura, the closest thing Saudi Arabia has to a
Parliament. But his reformist efforts are offset by the growing
influence of the interior minister, Prince Nayef who is in favour of the
status quo and wants to revive the harsh old regime. But for winning the
battle against terror it is necessary to reform the outmoded
institutions of the country and involve the people in decision-making
processes.
Upheavals in Saudi Arabia will have serious and
unforeseen repercussions on the world economy and may cause oil shocks.
Today one quarter of world’s oil reserves lie in Saudi Arabia. Saudis
not only export oil more than anyone else but also have oil reserves
more than anyone else. But far more important is Saudi Arabia’s role as
a swing producer. Unlike other oil producing countries Saudis keep
several billion barrels per day of idle capacity on hand to meet
emergencies. Saudi Arabia is the only OPEC country with considerable
spare capacity available and this buffer capacity enables Saudi Arabia
to moderate oil prices.
This they had done earlier during Iran-Iraq war
when supplies from both the countries were disrupted and also during the
First Gulf War. During the present oil crisis also, Saudi Arabia moved
unilaterally when some of the OPEC ministers rebuffed the Saudi proposal
to raise their output quota. However, Saudi Arabia no longer remains a
very safe source of oil because its oil installations and pipelines are
targeted by terrorists. The Saudi Arabian government has taken a number
of preventive measures to fortify its oil installations and pipelines.
They have made arrangements for high technology surveillance and
aircraft patrolling for their important oil installations and
facilities. But
well-known security experts like James Woolsey (a former head of CIA) is
of the view that a well coordinated attack by terrorists, some of whom
may have infiltrated into the Saudi oil infrastructure, may cripple the
system and substantially reduce the flow of oil. This will create a
terrible oil shock with unforeseen consequences.
The recent spate of shooting of foreigners
follows threats held out by Al-Qaeda to “cleanse Arabian peninsula of
infidels”. It seems for the present there is a change of tactics of the
terrorists. Instead of Saudi oil installations, Al-Qaeda is targeting
foreigners particularly westerners. This change in Al-Qaeda tactics is
due to various reasons. First, the expatriates are far more vulnerable.
The oil field refinery and ports that comprise the Saudi energy industry
are heavily guarded, while the compound where the expatriates live are
not. Second, an attack on oil installations will provoke far stronger
reactions from the authorities and the population.
Expatriates
A major attack would result in a state of
emergency making movements of terrorists far more difficult. Third,
attacking expatriates appear to be broadly popular with the Saudi
population. There is little love lost between the expatriates and the
government, which has never made great efforts to integrate the
expatriates or to make them feel secure. Fourth, Al-Qaeda also intends
to keep the Saudi oil infrastructure in place. Osama bin Laden has
referred to Saudi oil as a “birthright of all Muslims and an instrument
for resurrection of Islamic Caliphate”.
After the beheading of the American hostage
Paul Johnson, Saudi security forces have shot dead the Al-Qaeda leader
Abulahaziz-Al-Muqrin and three of his associates. Though Al-Qaeda has
confirmed the killing of Al-Muqrin, it has voiced defiance. The
terrorists feel that time is on their side and an increasingly unstable
Saudi Arabia will remain fertile ground for recruitment of volunteers,
collection of arms and preparation of full-scale uprising.
There is also fear among Saudi liberals that
increase of jihadi violence will further strengthen the conservative
forces in the country and the royal princes will block any further
reform. Stifling conservatism will ultimately strengthen the hands of
the terrorists.
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Oil Prices Could Get Even
Worse
With surging demand and troubles from
Russia to Iraq and Venezuela, we could see $50-plus prices. Hope for a
mild winter
By Stanley Reed - 9 August 2004
When will the world get a break from oil prices that seemed unimaginable
a few years ago? Not anytime soon, analysts believe. If anything, the
upward march seems to be gaining momentum, with U.S. oil prices breaking
through $44 a barrel on the New York Mercantile Exchange this week. Paul
Horsnell, head of Energy Research at Barclays Capital in London, now
says: "The question is not whether $50 [per barrel] will be breached,"
but whether there will be any pause before the half-century mark is
topped.
While there are lots of conspiracy theories about $40-plus barrel
prices, a look at the fundamentals goes a long way toward explaining the
hike. Growth in demand this year has proved a lot stronger than anyone
forecast. The International Energy Agency, the Paris-based consumer
group, forecasts that demand will be increase by as much as 2.5 million
barrels a day over last year -- about double the increase anticipated.
A WORLD OF WOE. Indeed,
the spurt in demand from China, the U.S., India, and elsewhere has
caught just about everyone unawares. Governments, most notably
the U.S., have done little to encourage conservation. The entire
industry -- from OPEC to the international oil companies -- have failed
to invest sufficiently in production capacity. Such investments will
gradually increase, but it will be years before the effect is felt. As a
result, spare production capacity is only about 1 million barrels per
day, vs. 6 million barrels per day two years ago, Horsnell reckons. That
razor-thin margin has the markets worried about the possibility of a
severe crunch, especially when seasonal demand picks up. With the system
already under strain, a cold winter in North America could have severe
consequences.
There are also geopolitical situations weighing on the markets. Saudi
Arabia, the world's most important oil exporter, is fighting Islamic
insurgents who have targeted oil workers. Venezuela, another key
producer, is seething with political unrest in the leadup to the Aug. 15
recall referendum on President Hugo Chavez. Russia, which not long ago
was the best hope for stable new supplies, is now also a question mark
thanks to the Kremlin's decision to go after Yukos, one of the country's
two biggest oil producers. Iraq, another potentially promising source,
has seen its oil infrastructure come under almost daily attack from
insurgents.
If the spare capacity were greater, none of these situations would seem
so threatening. But a repeat of last year's oil workers' strike in
Venezuela, for instance, would be a disaster. Even a relatively routine
occurrence -- a quickly extinguished fire that shut down a BP (BP
) refinery in Texas -- helped send prices up more than $1 a barrel on
Aug. 6.
MORE RESERVES. Another
factor: Hedge funds have discovered the oil markets as a volatile asset
class that isn't correlated with other securities markets. The presence
of these financial investors may add to volatility and accelerate
momentum in price runups (see BW Online, 8/6/04,
"Hedge Funds Are Everyone's Problem").
Finally, it doesn't help that the Bush Administration lacks an energy
policy worthy of the name. In fact, analysts question why the U.S.
government will continue adding to the strategic petroleum reserve when
the markets are so tight. The Interior Dept. announced on Aug. 6 that it
will be adding 100,000 barrels a day for six months, starting Oct. 1.
What will it take to calm worries? A substantial buildup in inventories,
which are now well below their 5-year averages. But with little sign of
slowing demand, such a change doesn't look likely in the near term.
Oil prices are notoriously volatile and unpredictable, but anyone
betting on a quick return to cheap gasoline and other oil products is
likely to be disappointed.
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China and Japan's oil
rivalry unavoidable
Zhang Kexi -13 July 2004
Rivalry for energy, especially oil,
between China and Japan on a global scale is unavoidable.
China, as a emerging oil consumer, is
dramatically changing world oil demand. Many countries, especially
Japan, feel gravely uneasy about China's burgeoning demands for crude.
Due to historical reasons and
geopolitical considerations, competition rather than co-operation is
increasingly becoming a characteristic of their relationship.
From a Japanese perspective, the
emergence of a strong and prosperous China is not a pleasant thought.
Although Japanese Prime Minister
Junichiro Koizumi has repeatedly said that a strong China is an
opportunity instead of a threat, many Japanese politicians still view
China's development as a danger and the biggest obstacle to Japan's
aspiration for regional dominance.
Therefore, joining the United States to
contain China naturally becomes a critical component of Japan's national
strategy.
In the eyes of Japanese, oil is a lethal
weapon that can be used to contain China, especially when taking into
account the fact that China is one of the largest consumers and is
heavily dependent on other countries and regions for crude.
Japan's blueprint for future
Sino-Japanese relations illustrates that the two will compete rather
than co-operate when it comes to energy.
At the end of 2002, under the direct
leadership of Koizumi, a special team on foreign relations - a Japanese
think-tank - proposed the nation's basic diplomatic strategy for the
21st century.
In the proposal, the ascendancy of China,
the United States becoming a superpower and the integration of European
countries were considered as epoch-making events.
The draftees also pointed out that
discord and co-operation coexisted in the relationship between China and
Japan, and that economics was one of the areas where problems existed.
As Japan has highlighted, there are
differences between the interests of the nations.
Therefore, China should be
psychologically prepared to cope with tension while boosting economic
links with Japan.
Perhaps the biggest reason why China and
Japan are competing over energy is because these big consumers are
heavily dependent on other countries and regions for oil.
Currently, China's ever-increasing demand
for oil and the role of one of the largest oil importers contributes to
Japanese concern for its own supplies of crude.
For resource-poor Japan, increasingly
tight international energy markets coupled with soaring oil prices
because of increased consumption is a nightmare.
China and Japan are not complementary in
the field of energy, as they have to compete for it.
Therefore, at least on the issue of
energy, the national interests of China clash with Japan's, so the
latter looks at China as a competitor. Inevitably, Japan will compete
with China for oil around the globe.
China's future is viewed differently in
Japan - some say its economic growth will continue and other suggest a
collapse is not far away.
To ensure its own economic security,
Japan would rather co-operate with Europe and the US, which both have
huge oil stocks, rather than partner with China over energy. That
automatically pits Japan against China.
In addition, Japan has coveted oil and
gas resources in the East China Sea for a long time.
To fight with China for the resources in
the area, Japan has unilaterally demarcated a controversial exclusive
economic zone along the median line. Japan holds that the line is the
two countries' coastlines, but it is in fact on the continental shelf of
the Chinese side.
Considering the critical importance of
energy to Japan, it is very unlikely that its stance will be softened,
especially in the East China Sea.
It is likely that China will forever
encounter Japan's global energy rivalry, just as the ongoing pipeline
route dispute between China and Japan shows.
When it comes to the issue of energy,
Japan's media have shown a remarkable insight into the fierce
competition for oil between the pair.
In the Asahi Shimbun on July 7, Funabashi
Yoichi, a famed Japanese political analyst, said that by working closely
with Russia and the Middle East to secure it crude supplies, China had
adopted the opposite approach to Japan's passive energy development
attitude.
An era of real oil rivalry between Japan
and China is just around the corner, he said.
Oil's
slippery slope
By Pepe Escobar --Aug 23, 2004, 17:49
BRUSSELS and DUBAI - As the neo-conservative dream of a "liberated" Iraq
came true in April 2003, who would have predicted that 16 months later
oil would become the ultimate time bomb for the Bush administration?
And the Saudi royal/oil family cavalry is not exactly coming to the
rescue.
Many factors explain the current rise in the price of oil toward US$50 a
barrel - and counting: incapacity - or unwillingness - of the
Organization of Petroleum Exporting Countries (OPEC) to respond to
growing global demand; maximum terrorist risk in Saudi Arabia; the Yukos
saga in Russia; the recent referendum in Venezuela; ethnic trouble in
Nigeria; China's unquenchable oil thirst; widespread speculation frenzy
propelled by pension funds; and serial pipeline bombing in Iraq.
Average prices for last week stood at $47.02 a barrel in the United
States, $44.44 a barrel for North Sea Brent and $41.64 a barrel for the
OPEC basket - a more than 4% overall rise on the previous week. Crude
futures for October were trading at $46.87 a barrel on Monday.
OPEC, in its latest report, insists the world economy is coping: "On
current trends OPEC production will be more than adequate to meet demand
in the remainder of 2004 and 2005." A survey by WSJ.com with 55
economists concluded that oil would have to top $60 a barrel to
compromise the US economy seriously. But in the real world, the fact is
that high oil prices are already set to shave as much as 1% off Asia's
gross domestic product in 2004, according to the United Nations'
Economic and Social Commission for Asia and the Pacific.
Cheap oil is the Holy Grail of the Bush administration's global
strategy. According to the sanitized version of US Vice President Dick
Cheney's secret energy report published in May 2001 - the work sessions
and the people involved remain classified information - the US in 2020
will be importing 66% of its oil, against 55% in 2001. So, the report
says, oil is "the priority of America's foreign and trade policy", and
"Russia, Central Asia, the Caspian, the Gulf countries and Western
Africa" need "special attention".
This, in the long term, represents one of the explanations for the
invasion of Iraq. In the short term, the administration of President
George W Bush is in for a lot of trouble when oil-guzzling SUV
(sport-utility vehicle) armadas of voters start making the connection
between the unmitigated disaster in Iraq and oil at $50 a barrel and
beyond. Analysts in Dubai estimate that the Iraqi premium - fueling
uncertainty and speculation - adds at least $10 to each barrel of oil.
Welcome to peak oil
According to HSBC, oil is now 136% - and counting - more expensive than
before September 11, 2001. The United States - with 5% of the world's
population - gobbles up no less than 26% of the world's oil production.
The world currently consumes 81.2 million barrels of oil a day (1 barrel
= 159 liters), according to the International Energy Agency (IEA), the
energy forum for 26 industrialized consumer nations. But the really
alarming figure is 84 million barrels of oil a day: according to the IEA,
this will be the global demand by 2005.
A few months ago, the same IEA was saying that demand in 2005 would be
of only 82.6 million barrels a day. And more than a year ago, the IEA
said we would reach 84 million barrels a day only by 2007 or 2008. This
is leading analysts in Dubai to predict that demand - on a very
optimistic scenario - will reach 120 million barrels a day in 2020.
Additionally, this should mean that if demand continues to grow at the
current frenetic level, all proven oil reserves in the world - at the
best-estimate level - will be extinguished by 2054.
Way before that happens, of course, we will reach what experts define as
"peak oil". The oil-supply bell curve inexorably will be going down -
with no return in sight - while the price curve will be going up, toward
$100 a barrel and beyond.
Colin Campbell makes no bones about it: for him, peak oil is already
here, or around the corner in 2005. For years, Campbell - a PhD in
geology at Oxford University in England and former chief executive for
BP, Texaco, Amoco and Fina - has been a lonely voice contradicting the
supremely powerful oil lobby, according to whom high technology and the
invisible hand of the market must guarantee discovery and exploitation
of reserves virtually forever.
Already in 2000, Campbell was charging that "oil giants are fooling the
planet" and that everybody was myopic - especially producing countries.
He was saying that "we only find a new barrel of oil for each four we
produce". He is sure that the world has already consumed half of its
proven oil reserves, and he is sure that the Middle East will again
manipulate oil prices. It turns out that Campbell might have been wrong
by a margin of only a few months: he was betting on a new oil shock by
2005, "when production will start to fall and reserves will begin to
dwindle at a rate of 3% a year".
In Europe, experts from the IEA, echoed by diplomats, acknowledge that
the market is tense and production facilities are extended to the limit,
but they insist the current hysteria is a question of "irrational
exuberance". One expert says that "there is plenty of oil in the market,
and offer is superior to demand". The consensus is to blame traders and
speculators who are pushing the price of the barrel higher and higher by
brandishing the specter of scarcity.
But things are not so clear cut. Especially because of China, global
demand this year will increase by a staggering 2.5 million barrels a day
compared with 2003. In terms of offer, analysts in Dubai say that OPEC
as of July had an excess production capacity of a maximum 1.2 million
barrels a day. OPEC is currently producing 29.1 million barrels a day.
This means non-OPEC members such as Russia or Norway must also increase
their production to push prices down. But North Sea oilfields have
already peaked; and Yukos in Russia, pumping 2% of the daily global
demand for oil - 1.7 million barrels - even as it's about to go
bankrupt, is also stretched to the limit.
The Chavez factor
They certainly prefer neo-liberalism to Hugo Chavez' "Bolivarian
Revolution". But the 50 multinationals involved in the oil-and-gas
business in Venezuela - including US majors ExxonMobil, ChevronTexaco
and ConocoPhillips - as well as world markets, all badly wanted a Chavez
victory in the latest referendum in that country. Chavez could not
possibly beat the markets' bete noire: uncertainty. Venezuela is the
fifth-largest oil exporter and eighth-largest oil producer, the only
Latin American member of OPEC and the supplier of 15% of the United
States' oil needs. Chavez played like a master his role of guaranteeing
Venezuela's constitutional stability. And markets - when it suits them -
do have memory: everybody remembered the December 2002-February 2003
general strike provoked by Chavez' opposition, which led to production
falling to 150,000 barrels a day (against 2.5 million to 2.6 million
nowadays) and exports to the US being interrupted for the first time in
80 years.
So Venezuela as part of the fear factor may be out of the equation - at
least for now. As well as global oil majors and major oil producers,
Venezuela is profiting handsomely from high oil prices: the country is
scheduled to grow no less than 10% in 2004.
Saudi trouble
Ali al-Naimi, the Saudi energy minister, is the Alan Greenspan of black
gold. In early July, Naimi said on the record that oil at about $35 a
barrel was a "fair" price. That was the formal burial of the old OPEC
selling price range of $22-$28 a barrel. This extremely important
statement in fact meant two things. The first is that there will be no
October surprise - or the Saudis coming to President George Bush's
rescue. The second is that Saudi Arabia is not able to increase oil
production (although they have promised an increase to almost 10 million
barrels a day in September: not many in the industry are counting on
it). The whole thing leads us back - once again - to peak oil.
When oil reached $45 a barrel, Naimi said again on the record that Saudi
Arabia would be ready "immediately" to increase its production by 1.3
million barrels a day. Once again, not many in the industry took him
seriously.
Besides, there's the all-important bickering over Saudi oil reserves.
According to Saudi Aramco, the kingdom's proven reserves are estimated
at 257.5 billion barrels. But analysts in Dubai prefer to cling to
Aramco's former executive vice president Sadad al-Hussayni who, in
articles appearing in the Oil & Gas Journal, insists proven reserves
amount to only 130 billion barrels.
In Dubai, it is estimated that the recent al-Qaeda activities inside
Saudi Arabia - via attacks on expats working in the oil business - have
increased the geopolitical risk of a barrel of oil by something from
$8-$12. Analysts comment that crucial Saudi installations such as Ras
Tanura and Abqaiq - the world's largest oil-processing complex - can be
extremely vulnerable to an al-Qaeda attack. The ultimate nightmare
scenario doing the rounds in the oil business is of Osama bin Laden as a
new caliph in a non-Saudi Arabia - before the Americans decide to invade
and take over the oilfields. "Five hundred dollars for a barrel of oil,
anyone?" scoffs a Dubai analyst.
Investing in Iraq, anyone?
It's fascinating to compare the current situation with the situation in
the Middle East prior to the invasion of Iraq.
Back in February 2003, people in Dubai were saying an oil shock was
inevitable: the price of a barrel would climb to as much as $50, and in
the event of a civil war in Iraq, it would reach $100. They agreed that
in the short term this would be a windfall for the Saudis, the Kuwaitis
and the United Arab Emirates. Dubai at the time was confident that Saudi
Arabia, Kuwait and the UAE - with a combined spare capacity of an
alleged 5 million barrels a day - would be able to cover Iraq's
production and Venezuela's shortfall caused by the general strike.
Now there's not so much optimism as far as spare capacity is concerned -
although oil experts in the Persian Gulf region keep saying that
production costs in Iraq are a blessing: only $1.50 per barrel, compared
to $2.50 for Saudi Arabia and $4 for the US or North Sea oil. Iraqi oil
could be extracted for as little as 97 cents a barrel. But Iraqi
equipment is more than 20 years old. Sanctions have devastated the
economy and nothing has been upgraded. Water is getting into the
pipelines. And 16 months after the Americans took over, the oil industry
is still rusting.
Walid Khadduri, editor-in-chief of the Middle East Economic Survey (MEES),
believes at least $3 billion is needed to raise Iraqi oil exports to the
pre-sanctions level of 3.5 million barrels a day. In his view, this
would take at least two or three years of investment after peace has
been established - and Iraq is still at war. Others in Dubai believe it
would take $10 billion and no less than six years to get to 5 million
barrels a day. And to realize Iraq's potential fully, an investment of
up to $50 billion in more than a decade will be necessary. This leads
the MEES to conclude that Iraq's oil sector will not produce large
returns in the next 10 years.
Ahmed el-Sayed el-Naggar, of the al-Ahram Center for Political and
Strategic Studies in Cairo, remembers how "Iraq had always been among
the hawks in OPEC. As a matter of historical record, Iraq has always
presented an obstacle to the US's oil-market strategy. This explains why
the US administration's behavior towards that country was so implacably
vindictive, and why, in the process of occupying Iraq to drive oil
prices down to the cheapest possible levels, it wanted to drive a lesson
home to all nations opposed to the US and use the fate of Iraq as an
example to intimidate all developing nations."
Whatever the spin from the White House and the Pentagon, the fact is one
of the key objectives in the whole Iraqi adventure - completely in line
with Dick Cheney's 2001 energy report - was to take over the world's
second-largest oil reserves, extirpate Iraq from the much-hated OPEC and
maybe kill the cartel for good. Last May in Houston, Asia Times Online
confirmed that even the oil business didn't think this was a good idea.
The crumbling Iraq oil infrastructure - on the most optimistic of days -
currently cannot produce more than 1.8 million barrels, and much less
export it. The Iraqi resistance knows how formidable a weapon is the
regular bombing of either the northern pipeline from Kirkuk to Ceyhan,
Turkey, or the southern pipeline from Basra. Whenever there is a bombing
- or an interruption in pumping because of workers condemning the
offensive against Shi'ite cleric Muqtada al-Sadr in Najaf - production
in Basra falls to less than 1 million barrels a day. It's always
important to remember that even under United Nations sanctions, Iraq
exported at least 2.5 million barrels a day.
Petro-dependency
Officially, not many in the oil business seem prepared to admit that the
real big problem today is unprecedented demand by the US, China and
India - which production simply cannot match. But if people in the oil
business know that consumption is growing at its fastest in more than 20
years, they also know that OPEC - controlling about half of the world's
oil export supply - is already pumping at the highest levels since 1979.
China - the second-largest oil consumer in the world, way behind the US
- grew 9.7% in the first semester of 2004, and is importing 40% more oil
this year than in 2003. Its own production grows very slowly: for
example, as its consumption rises feverishly, the production of its main
oilfield, Daqing, is declining, according to official Chinese data, by
7% a year (it may be more). Daqing used to be responsible for 50% of
China's oil. This leaves China scrambling for all sorts of deals with
Gulf countries, Central Asia (especially Kazakhstan), Russia and Africa.
China's ultimate nightmare is its "petro-dependency". Energy-saving is
now part of the official language, the nuclear program is back, and
research for alternative forms of energy is definitely on.
China devoured 6 million bpd in 2003, of which it imported 2.6 million
bpd. Oil imports in India, which consumed 2.4 million bpd last year, 1.6
million of which were imported, will increase 11% this year, the
state-owned Indian Oil Corp reported.
Some diplomats in Brussels admit that the whole system may face a major
structural problem. Huge oilfields are on their way down; there's been
no major oil discovery for the past 18 months - despite huge
technological progress; and producer countries are operating at their
limits.
The key indication of a crisis has been the now famous line by
Indonesian Oil Minister and current OPEC president Purnomo Yusgiantoro.
"We cannot increase the supply." And this only a few weeks after OPEC
guaranteed supply was not a problem. In June, Indonesia admitted it was
in the unenviable position of being the first OPEC country to actually
become a net importer of oil. Russia has already announced its
production will fall in 2005.
In euros, please
From an American perspective, the need to control Iraq's oil is deeply
intertwined with the defense of the dollar. The strength of the dollar
is guaranteed above all by a secret agreement signed between the US and
Saudi Arabia in the 1970s that all OPEC oil sales be denominated in
dollars. Saddam Hussein started selling Iraqi oil in euros (and making a
handsome profit) in November 2000 - and that's another crucial reason
for the Iraqi invasion. Many OPEC countries, not to mention Russia
(President Vladimir Putin already referred to it on the record), flirt
with the idea of trading their oil in euros. (OPEC is made up of
Algeria, Indonesia, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Libya, Nigeria, Qatar, Saudi
Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, and Venezuela.)
A recent analysis published by Goldmoney states that OPEC has already
switched, in fact, to trading oil in euros - as oil-exporting countries
fight to offset the weak dollar, "It seems clear that OPEC and the other
oil exporters are already pricing crude oil in terms of euros, at least
tacitly. Whether they start invoicing their crude oil sales in terms of
euros remains to be seen."
So what is Cheney doing in the middle of this crisis? He's blaming the
Democrats. The failure of Cheney's Russia strategy will be examined in a
separate article. But as far as Iraq is concerned, the blowback is
obvious. The neo-cons dreamed of exporting "democracy". Instead, they
imported geopolitical instability - reflected in the rising price of
oil. The Bush administration has not been rewarded with cheap oil: it is
now facing a new, slow, mutating oil shock.
The oil business knows that with its oil infrastructure repaired, Iraq
could rival or might even surpass Saudi Arabia as the world's largest
oil producer. But the neo-con dream of a US military protectorate with
US oil companies running the oil business is a more distant prospect by
the day. There's no credible evidence that Iraq may become, sooner or
even later, a source of spare capacity to world oil production, or be
able to stop the migration of OPEC and non-OPEC countries from the petro-dollar
to the petro-euro.
Oil at $50 a barrel, and on its way to $60, is an absolute disaster for
oil-importing countries (and this means most of the world). Business
costs are automatically higher - leading in many cases to job cuts,
which means higher unemployment. The days of cheap oil may be over - as
most analysts agree. But beyond the current hysteria over oil at $50 and
the failure of Cheney's US energy policy, the world seems to be failing
to address at least four extremely important questions on which the
common future depends: how much oil - proven reserves - is left in the
Middle East? How much oil does Russia have? What is the real amount of
proven reserves in the Caspian Sea? How long will all this oil last?
http://www.atimes.com/atimes/Global_Economy/FH24Dj01.html
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