House Republicans blocked quick consideration of a bill calling on Vice President Mike Pence to invoke the 25th Amendment to remove President Trump from office amid fallout from last week’s Capitol riot.

Democrats asked for consideration of a bill calling on Pence to mobilize the 25th Amendment, but Rep. Alex Mooney, R-W.V., objected Monday.

House Speaker Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., said she would bring the bill to the floor if the unanimous consent request was blocked.

“The President represents an imminent threat to our Constitution, our Country, and the American people, and he must be removed from office immediately,” Pelosi said in a statement Monday, noting that House Republicans rejected the legislation, and claimed they were “enabling the President’s unhinged, unstable and deranged acts of sedition to continue.”

“Their complicity endangers America, erodes our Democracy, and it must end,” she said.

Pelosi announced that the House would take up the legislation, and said House Democrats are “further calling on the Vice President to respond within 24 hours after passage.”

House Majority Leader Steny Hoyer on Monday announced on a call with the House Democratic Caucus that lawmakers should plan to return to Washington for Tuesday to consider the resolution, introduced by Rep. Jamie Raskin, regarding the 25th Amendment. Hoyer said votes will be at 7:30 p.m. at the earliest Tuesday.

The calls for Pence to invoke the 25th Amendment come from top Democrats in both chambers of Congress.

BIDEN AVOIDS FIRM POSITION ON IMPEACHMENT

Last week, Schumer and other Democrats urged Pence to “immediately” invoke the 25th Amendment, calling it the “quickest and most effective way” to remove Trump from office.

Schumer, though, warned that if Pence and the Cabinet did not take that path, Congress could “reconvene to impeach the president.”

The 25th Amendment includes a section allowing the vice president and a majority of Cabinet members to declare a president “unable” to perform the job.

Vice President Mike Pence officiates as a joint session of the House and Senate reconvenes to confirm the Electoral College votes at the Capitol, Wednesday, Jan 6, 2021. (Erin Schaff/The New York Times via AP, Pool)

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Nearly 8 of 10 Americans told the Pew Research Center that supporters for both sides could “act” on the politically charged rhetoric with violence. It was higher for Democrats, 91% than Republicans, 61%.

And they want politicians to cool it.

“Americans broadly agree that elected officials should avoid using heated language because it could encourage violence. Nearly three-quarters of Americans (73%) say this, while just a quarter believe that elected officials ‘Should be able to use heated language to express themselves without worrying about whether some people may act on what they say,’” warned the center.

“While majorities in both parties say officials should avoid heated language, this view is more widely held among Democrats (83%) than Republicans (61%),” it added.

Trump is cited by a majority for stirring up the situation, but, like anything “Washington” today, there is partisan division.

Said Pew, “Democrats and Democratic-leaning independents overwhelmingly (84%) say Trump has changed political discourse for the worse. About half of Republicans and Republican leaners (49%) say he has changed it for the better, while 23% say he has changed it for the worse and 27% say he hasn’t changed it much either way.”

Source: https://www.washingtonexaminer.com/washington-secrets/pew-91-democrats-see-violence-next-in-war-of-words

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It would be the height of hypocrisy if Democrats tried to remove the president over allegations of illegality relating to extramarital affairs. During the Monica Lewinsky scandal, congressional Democrats told us the private sexual conduct of a president does not matter, and that lying under oath to cover up a “consensual relationship” is not an impeachable offense. Then-Rep. Charles E. Schumer, D-N.Y., said President Bill Clinton’s lies under oath about his sexual relationship with a White House intern might have been illegal, but declared the scandal “a tawdry but not impeachable affair” — right before heading off to a fundraiser with Clinton. At the time, Rep. Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., declared that the Starr investigation “vindicates President Clinton in the conduct of his public life because we’re only left with this personal stuff” and that Founding Fathers “would say it was not for the investigation of a president’s personal life that we risked our life, our liberty, and our sacred honor.”

But now that a Republican president is accused of covering up an affair, suddenly Democrats are channeling their inner Kenneth W. Starr.

Today, Democrats are outraged and appalled when Trump attacks special counsel Robert S. Mueller III and calls his inquiry a “witch hunt.” But back then, then-Sen. Joe Biden called the Starr investigation … wait for it … a “witch hunt.” Sen. Patrick J. Leahy, D-Vt., declared Starr was “out of control” and accused him of having a “fixation of trying to topple the president of the United States.” Rahm Emanuel, then a White House senior adviser, accused Starr of engaging in “a partisan political pursuit of the president” while White House special counsel Lanny Davis (who is now representing Cohen) said Starr was a “desperate prosecutor who can’t make a case on Whitewater” and who should face “possible removal because of his conduct.”

The fact is, Democrats were not alone in their concern that an investigation into Whitewater morphed into a perjury probe against Clinton for lying about his relationship with Lewinsky. Many Republicans agreed that independent counsels had too much power. So in 1999, the GOP-controlled Congress, in its wisdom, let the independent counsel law expire. We were promised that investigators answerable to the Justice Department would be more focused on their original purpose.

Well, it seems like we’re right back where we started. Federal prosecutors were supposed to be investigating Russian collusion. Instead, we have an inquiry into the Trump Organization’s finances and whether Trump’s payments to Stormy Daniels violated campaign-finance laws. Both might be worthy of scrutiny but at least under the precedent Democrats set during the 1990s, they are not grounds for impeachment.

If Democrats do try to impeach Trump over anything but a criminal conspiracy with Russia, they will regret it. The president was legitimately elected by Americans who knew about his lecherous past and supported him anyway. Indeed, Trump’s election was a direct result of the Democrats’ victory in the culture war of the 1990s. Republicans are now simply playing by the rules Democrats established. Millions of Americans absorbed the lesson that Clinton and his Democratic enablers taught us — that a president’s “personal stuff,” as Pelosi put it, does not matter — and chose Trump. They will consider any effort to impeach him over it an effort to invalidate their votes. And the blow back will be tremendous. If you thought the “deplorables” were mad in 2016, just wait until 2020.

This does not mean Trump is out of the woods legally. Once he leaves office, Trump may have to face consequences for anything illegal he might have done. When Clinton left office, he was forced to give up his Arkansas law license for five years and paid a $25,000 fine as part of a deal with the independent counsel to avoid a perjury prosecution — which resulted in him being disbarred from practicing law before the Supreme Court.

If Mueller finds conclusive evidence that Trump entered into a criminal conspiracy with Russia, then by all means impeach away. But absent such evidence, the idea that Stormy Daniels is going to bring down Trump is a liberal fantasy. If Democrats are upset that they cannot remove Trump over this, well, sorry — they set the precedent.

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Last Thursday, the president traveled to Joint Base Andrews to greet three American hostages whose release he had secured from North Korea. Unlike his predecessor, Trump did it without sending the offending regime an unmarked plane loaded with hundreds of millions in hard currency. The return of these American captives should have been a moment of celebration and bipartisan unity.

So how did Democrats respond? By blasting Trump for the way he welcomed the U.S. hostages home. The pretext for their outrage was Trump’s comment thanking Kim Jong Un, who he said “really was excellent to these three incredible people” — by which Trump obviously meant releasing them. No matter. Senate Minority Leader Charles E. Schumer, D-N.Y., took the Senate floor to attack Trump for his “troubling” remarks. “Kim Jong Un is a dictator” who “capriciously detained American citizens,” Schumer declared, channeling Captain Obvious, and warned that, by praising Kim, Trump “weakens American foreign policy and puts American citizens at risk around the world.”

Seriously? How do Democrats take a positive event such as the release of American hostages and turn it into an excuse to attack Trump? Apparently, Trump Derangement Syndrome is so debilitating that Democrats can’t bring themselves to say “Good job, Mr. President,” even when he brings our hostages home. Before, Democrats complained that Trump was too belligerent toward Kim; now, they’re upset that he is too effusive. This is absurd. Trump is laying the groundwork for a high-stakes nuclear summit with Kim; of course the president is not going to publicly criticize him. People in Middle America listen to the Democrats’ reactions and think: Can Trump do nothing right in these people’s eyes?

Apparently, Trump Derangement Syndrome is so debilitating that Democrats can’t bring themselves to say “Good job, Mr. President,” even when he brings our hostages home.

Then, a few days later, Trump racked up another major achievement when he fulfilled his promise to move the U.S. Embassy to Jerusalem. Four American presidents pledged to do it, but only Trump actually did. How did Democrats respond? Not a single congressional Democrat traveled to Israel to attend the historic opening of the embassy. Sen. Lindsey O. Graham, R-S.C., said that he personally invited Democrats to join the congressional delegation, but no one took him up on the offer. “I am disappointed that not one Democrat came,” Graham said. “What does that say?” It says not a single Democrat could bring themselves to join in a celebration of what Trump had done.

House Minority Leader Nancy Pelosi, D-Calif., blasted Trump’s decision when he announced it in December, declaring that “moving the U.S. embassy to Jerusalem now may needlessly spark mass protests, fuel tensions, and make it more difficult to reach a durable peace.” Sen. Dianne Feinstein, D-Calif., did the same, declaring, “The future of Jerusalem is an issue that should be decided by Israel and the Palestinians, not unilaterally by the United States.” Sen. Chris Murphy, D-Conn., called Trump’s embassy move a setback while former Democratic presidential candidate Sen. Bernie Sanders, I-Vt., declared that Trump’s action would “severely, perhaps irreparably damage” peace efforts.

Keep in mind, the past four Democratic Party platforms had called for the recognition of Jerusalem as the capital of Israel. And last June, the Senate voted 90-0 (with the support of Feinstein, Murphy and Sanders) for a resolution that “reaffirms the Jerusalem Embassy Act of 1995,” which mandated the embassy move (a bill that passed two decades ago with Pelosi’s vote). Americans see Trump being criticized for doing exactly what Congress demanded, and his Democratic and Republican predecessors promised, and they rightly see hypocrisy.

No matter what Trump does, the Democratic reaction is the same: Outrage. When Democrats can’t even praise Trump unreservedly for bringing American hostages home or show up when he fulfills a plank of the Democratic Party platform by moving our embassy to Jerusalem, it further convinces millions of Americans who abandoned the Democratic Party in 2016 that they made the right decision.

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