Oh Brussels! Only in the land of the EU could 49 objectives containing 325 proposed actions be seen as the answer to Europe’s future development. But remarkably, this is exactly what the grandly sounding Conference on the Future of Europe has recently proposed.

Although originally conceived as a great experiment in collaborative, pan-European policymaking, what the EU actually delivered was a two-year vehicle for President Emmanuel Macron to wax lyrical about his centralizing, integrating vision of a French Europe.

Pushed by Paris, the conference was deliberately timed to finish by the summer of 2022. It was neatly sandwiched between the French elections and the French presidency of the European Council, and Paris is now reveling in its role as the de facto EU HQ.

And therein lies the danger for Ireland, and many other small EU member states.

Because from the very beginning, the purpose of the conference was not only to guide the EU’s future evolution, but also to demonstrate that Brussels was capable of “moving past Brexit” in a united and coherent fashion.

However, what the conference’s draft recommendations show is less a measured consideration of why Europe’s second-largest economy would voluntarily choose to leave the EU, and more a bland vindication of all the EU’s existing policy dreams.

Its draft actions read like a wish list of every stressed-out Brussels Eurocrat. Increased harmonization, abolition of national vetoes, greater military co-ordination and more common borrowing at EU level are just some of the highlights.

And while nobody doubts that more EU-level action is required in key areas – combating climate change, fighting terrorism, helping Ukraine, finalizing the structure of the euro zone – this vision of a universally deepening Europe hardly reflects majority thinking in any member state.

Policy failures
It is also a potential political nightmare for referendum- and neutrality-happy Ireland.

In using Brexit (and the pandemic) as “fertile soil for another attempt at deepening integration”, the EU is ignoring how, in countries like Britain, decades of rising insecurity played an important role in allowing economic grievance become political dissent.

The illiberal sentiments and hyper-nationalism witnessed during the Brexit process are not unique to Britain. The recent French presidential election – 52 per cent of first-round voters chose hard-right or extreme-left candidates – shows that the perception of being “left behind” eventually begins to hollow out the centre of the political spectrum.

In Ireland, decades-long housing (and banking) policy failures are fueling voter discontent regardless of underlying economic growth or employment figures. And in refusing to confront (or even acknowledge) these underlying problems, the EU is worsening its ability to form part of the solution.

Because more integration in Brussels will do nothing to sate increased voter dissatisfaction at national level. Indeed, as Britain has already shown, it may have exactly the opposite effect.

Looser vision
Unfortunately, the EU still remains unable to acknowledge how its choices impacted upon Britain’s drift to the periphery and beyond of EU decision-making.

For it was Britain’s loss in attempting to put intergovernmentalism at the heart of the EU that precipitated its European demise. This was a plan to use the single market, Atlanticism and global trade as the drivers of growth. Since the 1980s, this was an alternative model of European integration which favoured concentrating power at the centre of a “European conglomerate”.

Britain was collateral damage to a European integration process which chose a more integrated development path
Ultimately, wider geopolitical events – the collapse of the Soviet Union, the reunification of Germany, Franco-German agreement on monetary union – ensured the failure of Britain’s looser vision for Europe.

In a sense, Britain was collateral damage to a European integration process which chose a deeper, more integrated development path.

For Ireland, the explicit acknowledgment – through the conference – of the EU’s continued commitment to a deeper Europe should give pause for thought.

A more nuanced and deliberative approach to maximizing EU membership is now required given the realities of an Anglo-American Irish economy bound up in a centralizing, harmonizing EU. But to do this requires a fundamental repurposing of official Ireland’s simplistic views of Brussels.

The conceit behind Ireland’s view of the EU (as highlighted by Prof Katy Hayward and others) is that EU membership is of benefit not just to Ireland, but also to Europe. In essence, it’s the old Jack Lynch view from the 1970s that “We can, by becoming better Europeans, become better Irishmen.”

But it’s really time to drop these shenanigans.

What Ireland needs now is the confidence to put forward a vision of Europe that moves beyond the jaded stereotypes of Dublin as the best of Europeans. Picking up Britain’s focus on the single market and Atlanticism would be a good place to start.

Source: https://www.irishtimes.com/opinion/brexit-lessons-forgotten-in-eu-drive-to-deeper-integration-1.4869443

The post Brexit lessons forgotten in EU drive to deeper integration first appeared on Garner Ted Armstrong Evangelistic Association.

A historic rescue plan for economies left shattered by the coronavirus epidemic was hailed by French President Emmanuel Macron on Tuesday as “the most important moment in the life of our Europe since the creation of the euro”.

The deal is a special victory for Macron, who came to office in 2017 committed to strengthening the European Union but has struggled to deliver.

“This is the most important moment in the life of our Europe since the creation of the euro,” in 2002, Macron said, adding that France itself would receive 40 billion euros.

The 750-billion-euro ($858-billion) deal was sealed in the early hours of Tuesday after intense negotiations that saw threats of walkouts, vetoes, and fierce opposition from the Netherlands and Austria.

“These were, of course, difficult negotiations in very difficult times for all Europeans,” said EU Council chief Charles Michel, whose job was to guide the tortuous talks over more than 90 hours.

Germany and France strongly backed the package, which enables joint borrowing by the 27 members of the bloc to help virus-hit countries, particularly Spain and Italy.

While German Chancellor Angela Merkel said Europe had shown itself equal to “the greatest crisis” in EU history, Spanish Prime Minister Pedro Sanchez hailed “a Marshall Plan for Europe” that would boost his country’s economy by 140 billion euros over the next six years.

How will the debt be repaid?

However, there was criticism from MEPs, who broadly welcomed the deal but questioned the detail.

“The EU is now allowed to borrow funds but there is no certainty on how the debt will be repaid,” said a group of six MEPs who took part in the negotiations.

And teenage climate campaigner Greta Thunberg questioned whether the compromises were too great.

“As expected the #EUCO resulted in some nice words, some vague distant incomplete climate targets nearly impossible to track and a complete denial of the climate emergency,” she tweeted.

The initial call for solidarity was met with the fierce opposition from the “Frugals”, a group of northern nations led by the Netherlands that argued the package was unnecessary.

Dutch Prime Minister Mark Rutte had warned before the talks against the EU becoming a “transfer union” with a permanent north-south movement of wealth.

Afterward, he defended himself from accusations that he had accepted precisely what he had sought to avoid.

“This is a one-off, there is a clear necessity for this given the excessive situation,” he told reporters.

The frugals were also apprehensive about sending money to southern countries that they see as too lax with public spending.

To meet their concerns, payouts from the package will come with important strings attached – a hard pill to swallow for Rome and Madrid who resisted anything resembling the harsh bailouts imposed on Greece, Portugal, or Ireland during the debt crisis.

The frugals were also enticed with heavy rebates on their EU contributions.

‘Rule of law’

The recovery package will complement the unprecedented monetary stimulus at the European Central Bank, which has largely succeeded in reassuring the financial markets despite a catastrophic recession in Europe.

ECB chief Christine Lagarde welcomed the accord, saying it “shows that when most needed, the EU steps up and comes together to help the people of Europe”.

Overall, the deal will dole out €390 billion in the form of grants to pandemic-hit countries.

That was lower than an original €500 billion proposal made by France and Germany. Another €360 billion will be disbursed in loans.

Spending must be devoted to policies seen as compatible with European priorities, including politically difficult economic reforms as well as the environment.

The European Commission, the EU’s executive arm, will be in charge of distributing the funds, with the 27 member states able to turn down a spending plan if a weighted majority of them decide to intervene.

The rescue package was agreed along with the EU’s long-term budget, bringing the agreed spending to €1.8 trillion through 2027.

The package now requires more technical negotiations among member states as well as ratification by the European Parliament, which will begin its scrutiny of the deal on Thursday.

Source: https://www.france24.com/en/20200721-eu-rescue-deal-the-most-important-moment-in-the-life-of-our-europe-says-macron

The post EU rescue deal: ‘The most important moment in the life of our Europe,’ says Macron first appeared on Garner Ted Armstrong Evangelistic Association.