European People’s Party (EPP) - Garner Ted Armstrong Evangelistic Association

EU lawmakers pass ban on new petrol, diesel cars by 2035

CGTN — Thu, 09 Jun 2022 07:58:14 +0000

European Parliament lawmakers on Wednesday narrowly voted to back a European Commission proposal for a total ban on new CO2-emitting vehicles by 2035.

The Commission last year unveiled plans to stop the sale of vehicles using internal combustion engines as part of an ambitious climate target to cut emissions by more than half over this decade and 90 percent by 2035.

The measure passed by 339 votes to 249 with 24 abstentions at a session in Strasbourg, France – in practice limiting future sales to emissions-free all-electric models.

Cars currently account for 12 percent of all CO2 emissions in the 27-member EU bloc, while transportation overall accounts for around a quarter.

The conservative European People’s Party (EPP), the parliament’s biggest group of lawmakers, had sought to push a compromise that would have diluted the proposals and allowed sales of hybrid vehicles to continue.

Their amendment was narrowly defeated while an ambitious attempt by the Greens to bring the measure deadline forward to 2030 also failed.

Conservatives were also unable to push through amendments on having a car’s production-related carbon footprint taken into consideration as well – potentially allowing carmakers credits for synthetic, so-called e-fuels, made with captured carbon dioxide and hydrogen produced from renewable sources.

After the vote, EU environmental committee chair Pascal Canfin triumphantly tweeted: “100 percent zero emission cars in 2035! I strongly welcome the vote on CO2 standards in the @Europarl_EN. This position of the European Parliament is an important victory and consistent with our objective of climate neutrality.”

German Green EU legislator Michael Bloss also hailed the vote as a move that would simultaneously protect the climate and jobs in the sector.

French EPP lawmaker Agnes Evren was less impressed, however, with a decision she said would “condemn industrial activity and strongly penalize consumers.”

She said the legislation would prevent the commercialization of high-performance hybrid vehicles or vehicles using biofuels, whose production she said could potentially prove less expensive and less polluting than electric vehicles.

(Cover: An electronic road sign reads “Pollution, speed limit 70km/h for passenger cars” on the Bordeaux ring road, southwestern France, January 23, 2017. /Reuters)

Source(s): AFP

Sources: https://news.cgtn.com/news/2022-06-09/EU-lawmakers-pass-ban-on-new-petrol-diesel-cars-by-2035-1aIny1N3KTu/index.html

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Brexit: ‘Very serious divergences remain’

Michael Armstrong — Thu, 05 Nov 2020 17:25:04 +0000

As two weeks of intensive Brexit talks draw to a close, the EU and UK’s chief Brexit negotiators said that the level playing field, governance and fisheries remain significant obstacles to reaching an agreement.

On Wednesday evening, EU chief Brexit negotiator Michel Barnier said he had updated the European Parliament and Member States on the state of play of Brexit negotiations.

“Despite EU efforts to find solutions, very serious divergences remain in level playing field, governance and fisheries. These are essential conditions for any economic partnership. The EU is prepared for all scenarios.”

UK counterpart David Frost said that after two weeks of intensive talks with the EU, progress had been made, but he added, “I agree with Michel Barnier that wide divergences remain on some core issues. We continue to work to find solutions that fully respect UK sovereignty.”

Chair of the European Parliament’s UK Coordination Group (UKCG), German EPP member David McAllister, said in a statement, “Today, we met Michel Barnier and noted with deep concern that the list of fundamental divergences remains long.”

“While the EU chief negotiator clearly stated that the EU wants to conclude an agreement, Parliament underlines that we will not give up our position on key issues in the area of level playing field, governance, and fisheries. The EU needs to protect its long-term political interests.”

“Very serious divergences remain in level playing field, governance and fisheries. These are essential conditions for any economic partnership”

Michel Barnier, EU chief Brexit negotiator

McAllister said that as the Brexit negotiations enter their final stage, it was of the “utmost importance” that Parliament is given sufficient time to scrutinize any agreement between the EU and the UK before giving its consent.

“This is not merely a procedural matter, but, above all, a democratic responsibility,” he said, adding, “We are well aware that the negotiations have reached a critical juncture. A completion of a deal clearly requires additional time. We will take our democratic responsibility seriously.”

Chair of Parliament’s International Trade Committee and fellow UKCG member Bernd Lange said, “Even if we are ready to negotiate for a deal until the end, it is also clear that, despite time pressure, we will not accept compromises on key issues or the ratification process. With the European Parliament there will be no waving through at the expense of democratic control.”

“It’s a shame that the British side is only now negotiating seriously and constructively. How much unnecessary time was wasted by tactical games by Boris Johnson. This endgame is completely home-made and could have been avoided.”

Another UKCG member, French Renew Europe member Nathalie Loiseau, said that the negotiations were “slipping.”

“It’s a shame that the British side is only now negotiating seriously and constructively. How much unnecessary time was wasted by tactical games by Boris Johnson” Bernd Lange, UK Coordination Group

“No progress on fair competition, on the dispute settlement mechanism or on fisheries. The British have to move if they really want a deal. And very quickly.”

Newly-elected chair of Parliament’s Internal Market and Consumer Protection Committee, Anna Cavazzini, said of Barnier’s most recent statement, “I have the feeling I read this message already a million times. Only now, time is running out.”

Irish EPP member Seán Kelly also expressed his concern at the lack of progress, saying, “With little movement, it’s a worrying outcome to this week’s Brexit negotiations.”

“I remain optimistic of a deal, but with millions of people and hundreds of businesses anxiously awaiting clarity, I hope this is not just tactic from the UK to try to press for a last-minute grand bargain.”

Read the most recent articles written by Lorna Hutchinson – European Parliament political group presidents decry ‘barbaric’ Polish abortion ruling

Source: https://www.theparliamentmagazine.eu/news/article/very-serious-divergences-remain-as-two-weeks-of-intensive-brexit-talks-draw-to-a-close

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Brexit is one of most spectacular mistakes in EU history, says Tusk

Jennifer Rankin — Fri, 06 Dec 2019 05:50:59 +0000

Exclusive: Donald Tusk says it would still be better for both sides if UK stayed in EU.

Donald Tusk said Brexit was one of the saddest experiences of his five years as European council president. Photograph: Mikhail Palinchak/Ukrinform/Barcroft Media

Brexit has been “one of the most spectacular mistakes” in the history of the EU and followed a campaign marked by “an unprecedented readiness to lie”, Donald Tusk has said.

In his first interview since standing down as European council president last week, Tusk said Brexit was “the most painful and saddest experience” of his five years in office, a tumultuous period marked by the Greek eurozone crisis, bitter rows over migration and the election of Donald Trump.

He also criticized the French president, Emmanuel Macron, for branding Nato “brain-dead” and refusing to open EU membership talks with North Macedonia and Albania.

“If we want to treat Macron as a future leader for the whole of Europe, in a political sense, then for this we need a politician who feels more responsible for the EU as a whole and not only for France,” Tusk said.

The unabashed anglophile, who recently said he would “in my heart always be a reminder”, put himself at odds with other EU leaders by declaring it would still be better for both sides if Brexit did not happen. Many EU diplomats fear any second referendum leading to a remain result would mean festering divisions in the UK that would block the EU from making decisions – a view Tusk strongly rejected.

“The only difference would be that they [the UK] will still be here. They will be divided anyway: 50/50,” he said. “It’s pure illusion [to think] that it is easier to build good relations with the UK when they are outside.”

He blamed the former prime minister David Cameron for the “mistake” of organizing the referendum that “he had no chance to win”. Tusk also revealed that when the two men spoke the morning after the vote, he still hoped the decision could be undone.

“I asked him: ‘Is it a decision, is it an obligation to follow this result?’” When Cameron made plain it was, Tusk said he continued to hope. “My intention was to at least prolong the whole debate in Europe and also in the UK. With this, maybe [it was] a little bit naive [to] hope that it could be reversible.”

Tusk said he predicted the leave victory “two or three months before the referendum” when he visited friends in Bath, who told him they were torn over their decision.

A former Solidarity activist who was briefly jailed by Poland’s Soviet-controlled communist government, Tusk was the prime minister of Poland before he became the European Council president in 2014. In that role chairing EU summits, he found it painful to be “more a chairman than a leader” and felt frustrated that he “restrained” himself from campaigning in the UK.

He has been one of the EU’s most outspoken leaders, a trait he shares with the French president. Tusk described Macron as “a hope for the future of Europe” and a true friend, but said he had problems with his “very new ideas and opinions”. As well as Macron’s comments on Nato, Tusk also objected to Macron’s rapprochement towards Russia, saying he was “disoriented” by this new narrative.

The council president said he was really proud of having once been labeled “a monomaniac” about Russia by a Belgian newspaper. His term began soon after the EU agreed sanctions against Russia, following the annexation of Crimea and incursions into eastern Ukraine.

“If we are not able to protect the Ukraine against Russian aggression it will not only be a problem for Ukraine but for Europe as a whole. My hope was that Emmanuel Macron would also be very consistent here.”

Tusk, who prides himself on his knowledge of European history, was also critical of Macron’s refusal to open talks with North Macedonia and Albania. The French “non” has plunged leaders in the region into despair, including North Macedonia’s prime minister, Zoran Zaev, who faced down nationalists to end a long-running name dispute with Greece.

“I think it was just strategically and politically a huge mistake to say no … after so many efforts and sacrifices, especially in Skopje.”

He said Europe would be less secure as a result of the decision, echoing arguments in the region that uncertainty about a European future risked triggering instability.

He compared Macron unfavorably to Angela Merkel, who has championed integration with six western Balkan nations. “Her unique advantage was to be always ready to think about Europe as a whole. And [to be] ready to sacrifice some internal or national interest to protect Europe as a whole.”

But migration is still “the biggest problem” the EU faces, as a result of historically large numbers seeking asylum or work in Europe. Tusk said it was “presently unsolvable”, adding: “This new version of migration, the numbers, the determination of the people who want to come to Europe, it is something really new but also a permanent situation for the future.”

Tusk was speaking to the Guardian and six other European newspapers on the second day of his job as president of the European People’s Party (EPP), the center-right bloc that includes the political forces of the German chancellor and Jean-Claude Juncker.

One of his most urgent tasks will be to decide whether Viktor Orbán’s Fidesz party remains in the EPP. After years of foot-dragging, EPP leaders set up an inquiry into the rule of law in Hungary, amid growing concern about pressure on independent media, restrictions on NGOs and Orbán’s use of the EU as “a cash register” to channel lucrative contracts to his friends and family.

Tusk said he planned to issue a recommendation in February after the inquiry team reported later this month. “It’s for Orbán to decide if wants to be part of this world of values or not,” Tusk said. “This decision should not wait for another two years.”

He said the biggest threat to the EU came from governments, such as Poland and Hungary, that “don’t want to treat our values seriously” while getting all the benefits of the EU. But he does not think Brussels should have more powers to tackle this problem: “Without goodwill, we have no chance to survive,” he said. “But this is also the beauty of the EU.”

He stressed the threat to liberal democracy was a bigger problem.

Citing the 2016 US presidential race and the Brexit campaign, he said a new element in politics was “the unprecedented readiness to lie on almost everything … to treat a lie as a justifiable tool to win”. He said this “shameless” behavior would have disqualified politicians only 10 years ago.

Asked by the Guardian to specify who he had in mind, Tusk replied: “I don’t want to be too spectacular in my first interview … I have enough problems in my own country with professional and pathological liars.”

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Ireland should be wary of a German embrace

Eoin Drea — Tue, 23 Jul 2019 23:19:15 +0000

Taoiseach Leo Varadkar and German chancellor Angela Merkel at Farmleigh House in April. Photograph: Maxwell Photography

A female German as president of the European Commission should be a major political victory for Berlin. Wrong.

The collateral damage has been huge, both for those who believe in the spitzenkandidat (lead candidate) process for commission president and for those hoping for a coherent German vision for Europe.

The difficult position that Taoiseach Leo Varadkar found himself in over the last few weeks highlights why Ireland should be wary of a smothering German embrace. Berlin’s ability to prioritize its own interests and then expect the rest of the European People’s Party (EPP) to acquiesce (in this case on giving up the presidency of the commission) was successfully refused on this occasion, with Ireland at the core of this resistance.

But for the EPP read the wider European Union. In reality, this event betrays a deeper malaise at the heart of Germany’s relationship with Europe.

Ireland’s natural allies in Europe lie in the Netherlands, the Flemish region of Belgium, the Nordics and across central and eastern Europe

German regimes, for the last two decades, have prioritized perceived German interests to the detriment of the cohesiveness of EU policymaking. This, of course, occurs with all member states, but with Germany, this process has been so consistent in its application that it’s beginning to seriously weaken EU effectiveness.

Industrial policy is a good example. Suddenly, China is the enemy at the gates and ready to decimate Europe’s industrial base. This may well be the case – and certainly, there is a real argument to be made for building European champions to provide a global scale – but this volte-face wasn’t the result of coherent EU strategizing.

It was born of Berlin (aided by Paris) being seriously peeved by the EU refusing to sanction the merger of Siemens and Alstom. As a result, out the window must go 40 years of EU competition policy.

Euro

And let’s not forget the euro – the single issue that could collapse the whole EU edifice. The German response to the fundamental structural weaknesses of monetary union – such as cutting the umbilical cord between banks and national government finances – has been painfully slow, focused on domestic German political interests and devoid of all long-term vision.

And the British think they have problems.

Much recent commentary has focused on the need for Ireland to build new relationships in the EU (and globally) in a post-Brexit environment. This is to be supported.

Without Britain, there is a real risk that decision-making in the EU will drift aimlessly back into a Franco-German axis

But to place Germany at the centerpiece of that strategy (as evidenced by President Michael D O’Higgins’s recent jaunt in Berlin) is to seriously misread Europe’s political landscape. Economically, Ireland’s natural allies in Europe lie in the Netherlands, the Flemish region of Belgium, the Nordics and across central and eastern Europe.

Ireland should be aiming to become a leader of smallish, open economies in the EU, rather than hitching our wagon to a Teutonic behemoth struggling even to accept its modest leadership responsibilities in the EU.

In effect, the EU has become a prisoner to Germany’s combined historical psychoses which are preventing progress in all of the policy areas highlighted above. You think Irish debates on water charges and property taxes are irrational? They pale into insignificance in comparison with internal German debates on the evils of inflation and government debt.

The real German legacy since reunification in 1989 – beyond the soothing (but largely meaningless) rhetoric of solidarity and friendship – has been to drag Europe along into this Freudian maze. Berlin lies trapped in the death grip of the balanced budget/schwarze null cult and it’s the rest of the EU that’s paying the price.

Franco-German axis

For Ireland, the challenge in Europe should not be to become Germany’s new best friend. That’s an obvious post-Brexit rebound. Rather it must be to formalize a coherent bloc in the EU that is open to global investment, engaged in meaningful Atlanticism and, most importantly of all, willing, on occasion, to place European interests over purely national ones.

Without Britain, there is a real risk that decision-making in the EU will drift aimlessly back into a Franco-German axis which is far from free trading, mired in historically tinged disputes with the United States and implicitly seeks a more centralized Europe.

The recent European election results were a shot across the bow of the pro-EU forces in the European Parliament. People love Europe, they just don’t want a United States of Europe.

In this context, the Government has an ideal opportunity to lead the development of a vision for Europe that is not dominated by the overwhelming presence of Berlin or Paris. But to do this, to really shape Europe, Dublin must realize that you can’t be everybody’s best friend.

The Taoiseach’s actions over the past weeks are an excellent starting point.

Eoin Drea is a researcher at the Wilfried Martens Centre, the official think tank of the European People’s Party which includes Fine Gael

Source: https://www.irishtimes.com/opinion/ireland-should-be-wary-of-a-german-embrace-1.3959373

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Time for Strong New EU Leaders

Stefan Lehne — Tue, 04 Jun 2019 08:04:19 +0000

As the EU prepares to replace its top officeholders, the union needs leaders who can confront bullying international actors, navigate through a turbulent political scene, and rebuild public trust in the European project.

The EU’s Game of Thrones, which will play out in the coming weeks, will be lacking in blood and sex, but will easily equal the TV series in complexity. Following the European Parliament elections that took place on May 23–26, EU leaders must now choose the next presidents of the European Commission, European Council, European Parliament, and European Central Bank (ECB) as well as a new EU foreign policy chief.

Essentially, there will be three games running in parallel, but they will all have to come together in the end.

THE INTER-INSTITUTIONAL GAME

The first game is between the EU’s institutions. The European Parliament pulled off a constitutional coup in 2014 by imposing the lead candidate (known by the German term Spitzenkandidat) of the largest party group, Jean-Claude Juncker, as European Commission president. According to the EU treaties, it is the national leaders in the European Council who should propose a candidate to the parliament, “taking into account the elections.”

The main party groups, except the Liberals, would now like to build on this success and turn the Spitzenkandidaten model into a permanent rule for selecting the commission president. Immediately after the 2019 elections, they adopted a statement asserting that the next commission president should be one of the lead candidates. However, they did not rally behind the candidate of the biggest group, Manfred Weber of the European People’s Party (EPP), and they did not threaten to veto anyone else.

In the European Council, there are many who would like to bury the Spitzenkandidaten concept. They feel it gives too much influence to the parliament and unduly limits the choice of the best-qualified person for the job. But most wish to avoid an open confrontation with the parliament, which will in the end have to elect the commission president.

THE INTER-PARTY GAME

The second game involves the EU’s party groups. The biggest two, the center-right EPP and center-left Social Democrats, emerged from the 2019 elections significantly weakened. They no longer jointly have a majority in the parliament and will have to turn to other parties, particularly the Liberals or the Greens, to pass legislation. Still, the role of the two largest parties remains crucial, as there is neither a leftist majority against the EPP nor a credible rightist one against the Social Democrats.

Over the coming weeks the various factions will attempt to bring like-minded small groups into their fold. They will also seek to build a majority behind agreed candidates for the presidents of the commission and the parliament and a common policy platform.

The Liberals and Greens will try to make the most of their potential kingmaker role but risk being played off against each other. Whereas the Liberals will join the fight for the top jobs, the Greens will probably place their main emphasis on shaping the policy platform.

THE GAME OF THE LEADERS

The third game considers the slew of EU leadership roles together. Before the Spitzenkandidaten initiative was started, it was up to the European Council to put together a package of the EU’s top positions. Most heads of state and government would like to revert to this model.

In assembling such a package, leaders have to take several factors into account: party groupings, geographic distribution, big and small member states, members and nonmembers of the eurozone, and gender. Many believe that women should be better represented this time.

While not all member states will field candidates for these positions, everyone has a stake in the process. Some will try to leverage their support for a candidate to obtain a juicy dossier for their future European commissioner or promote other institutional interests. Others will try to make sure that the new leaders share their political or economic philosophy.

The latter consideration will be particularly important for French President Emmanuel Macron, who urgently needs partners for promoting his vision of a European renaissance. Macron has taken the lead of the group resisting Weber’s nomination and has already clashed with German Chancellor Angela Merkel, who is bound to support the EPP candidate. An eventual compromise will have to satisfy both Paris and Berlin, and could involve a trade-off between the two biggest jobs, commission president and ECB president.

HOW TO PLAY THREE-DIMENSIONAL CHESS

Ideally, the parliament would prefer to maintain the initiative. If it comes up with a candidate for commission president who has a majority of members of the European Parliament (MEPs) behind him or her, the European Council will have little choice but to accept the proposal. However, as the three biggest groups each have a prominent candidate with significant support, an early compromise will be hard to reach.

The European Council has tasked its outgoing president, Donald Tusk, to act as game master. He will start consulting with party representatives in the council and the parliament. His stated objective is to assemble an acceptable package in time for the European Council session on June 21. This timeframe appears ambitious, as the overall constellation of forces is more complex than ever before.

The real risk is that the multilevel institutional wrangling will distract from the true objective of the process: to bring together the most qualified personalities to lead the EU institutions in the next five years. With the decline of the old party machines, personal leadership, vision, and the ability to communicate have become essential qualities for the people at the helm of the EU’s institutions. The new leaders must be strong enough to confront bullying international actors. They need a reliable internal compass to steer through a turbulent and fragmented political scene, and they have to be able to explain what the EU is about and to rebuild public trust.

Outstanding personal qualities must therefore be the topmost consideration throughout the process. The union cannot afford to settle for second best.

Source: https://carnegieeurope.eu/strategiceurope/79257?lang=en

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The European parliament is about to undergo profound change

Professor Simon Hix — Mon, 20 May 2019 12:23:11 +0000

The European Parliament elections are fast approaching, where 28 countries will head to the polls to select their MEPs. All UK attention is on the domestic political implications. Will the Brexit Party triumph? Why are we holding elections when we voted Leave in 2016?

But there is an equally important, even wider question: what will these elections mean for the EU? Here, the answer is worth digging into in some detail. The result could shake up the bloc’s traditional political groupings and change the direction of the policy agenda of the EU going forward, which will have implications for the whole of Europe, including the UK, whether inside or outside the EU.

The European Parliament elections will shape the direction of the EU for the next five years, and potentially for much longer. The parliament has a crucial role in determining policy and the occupants of key offices. Here is the current political make-up of the European Parliament and the likely make-up of the next parliament, after the elections in May, based on current national opinion polls.

The overall balance of power between the left and right is unlikely to change very much. But the size of the political groups, and the potential coalitions that will form, are likely to change quite dramatically. The centre-left Socialists and Democrats (S&D) group will be considerably smaller, while the centrist Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe (ALDE) is likely to be larger, especially if President Macron’s La République en Marche! party joins that alliance.

The centre-right European People’s Party (EPP) is also likely to lose seats, although it should remain the largest group in the parliament. Meanwhile, the populist parties on the right of the EPP are likely to be considerably stronger, particularly the new European Alliance of Peoples and Nations (EAPN) group, formed by Matteo Salvini and Marine Le Pen.

The next figure shows the likely changes in the sizes of the key coalitions.

The grand coalition between the EPP and S&D, which has traditionally dominated the parliament, is likely to fall below a majority of seats in the parliament for the first time: down to about 44 per cent of seats. A centre-left bloc and a centre-right bloc will also be down considerably. Meanwhile, the “EU critics” – in the groups on the right of the EPP as well as in the radical left European United Left/Nordic Green Left (EUL/NGL) – are likely to win over one-third of the seats.

These changes will have immediate effects on the way the EU works. The first action of the new European Parliament will be to “elect” the next Commission president. Although the EU governments in the European Council formally propose a candidate for Commission president, the convention is that that candidate hails from the largest political group in the newly elected parliament—as they did with the most recent two presidents (José Manuel Barroso and Jean-Claude Juncker). If the parliament rejects the nominee of the European Council, leaders must propose a new candidate.

The problem for the governments is that the traditional grand coalition between the EPP and Socialists (S&D) will need to expanded to include the Liberals (ALDE) as well as the Greens (G/EFA). This will be an unwieldy alliance. And the EPP candidate for Commission president, the German politician Manfred Weber, is unlikely to be supported by the Socialists or the Greens.

Most commentators are now expecting a compromise candidate to be chosen, as part of a wider package deal for all the key new offices in the EU: the Commission president, the Council president, the European Central Bank president, the European Parliament president, and the High Representative for Foreign Affairs. There are enough offices to share between these four political groups. But, expect the newly emboldened populists in the parliament, led by Salvini and Le Pen’s MEPs, to oppose this “grand stitch up.”

The outcome of the election, with smaller traditional coalitions and a much more fragmented chamber, will also shape the EU legislative agenda in the coming years. This is because EU legislation in almost all policy areas now requires the majority support of MEPs for it to pass. Legislative coalitions in the parliament have traditionally been formed issue-by-issue, with different coalitions being dominant in different policy areas.

In the 2014-19 parliament, a centre-right coalition – between the EPP, ALDE, and the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR) – has tended to win on legislation relating to regulation of the single market (such as financial services regulation), reform of the eurozone and international trade agreements.

Meanwhile, a centre-left coalition – between S&D, ALDE, G/EFA, and EUL/NGL – has tended to win on legislation relating to justice and home affairs (such as the free movement of people, and policies towards refugees), environmental standards and international development issues (such as EU spending on development aid).

With the newly fragmented parliament, each of these coalitions will be smaller and majorities will be more difficult to form. As a result, populist EU-critical MEPs, particularly on the right, will be able to shape the policy agenda.

These MEPs are also likely to be able to win key policy-making positions in the parliament, such as committee chairs and legislative report-writing roles (rapporteurships). With this new influence, expect these MEPs to demand more restrictive refugee and asylum policies, more spending on EU external border controls, more powers for national governments to run deficits in the eurozone, and more protectionist trade policies.

The headlines across Europe following the elections in May are likely to focus on the electoral gains of the populist eurosceptics across Europe, at the expense of the centrist pro-Europeans. And these gains will matter. The new parliament will be a difficult partner for the governments and the Commission, who will not be able to rely on a stable coalition. The result could be policy gridlock in the EU in the coming years, which could further encourage anti-European sentiments in many countries.

By Simon Hix, Professor of Government at the London School of Economics. This piece is from our report ‘The European elections and Brexit,’ and was originally published in Prospect.

Disclaimer:
The views expressed in this analysis post are those of the authors and not necessarily those of the UK in a Changing Europe initiative.

Source: https://ukandeu.ac.uk/the-european-parliament-is-about-to-undergo-profound-change/

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European Elections 2019: Candidates for the top EU job

Deutsche Welle — Fri, 03 May 2019 05:41:26 +0000

Manfred Weber, the conservative candidate for the EU Parliament elections in May, is considered the front-runner in the race to lead the European Commission. DW takes a closer look at him, and the other candidates.

Manfred Weber (EPP)

The center-right European People’s Party (EPP) — the largest faction in the European Parliament — has picked Manfred Weber, its German parliamentary party leader. He has the backing of Chancellor Angela Merkel. Though considered the front-runner, Weber is little known on the international stage, and his language skills are considered poor.

Frans Timmermans (S&D)

Frans Timmermans, the European Commission’s first vice president, will lead the campaign for the Progressive Alliance of Socialists & Democrats (S&D). Weber’s main rival promises to bring the bloc closer to ordinary voters at a time when Britain’s looming exit is one factor behind the nationalist movements across the EU.

Jan Zahradil (ECR)

The third-largest group in the EU Parliament, the European Conservatives and Reformists (ECR), has just one candidate: Jan Zahradil, chairman of the Czech ECR delegation. Zahradil, 65, is affectionately known as “Forrest Gump” for cycling from Prague to Strasbourg for a session of the European Parliament and for once running 1,300 kilometers (about 800 miles) across the Czech Republic for charity.

Margrethe Vestager (ALDE)

Margrethe Vestager, 51, was one of seven lead candidates for the ALDE. As the current EU commissioner for competition, the Danish MEP has taken on big corporations like Apple, Amazon and Google parent Alphabet. It’s also been said that she served as the inspiration for the main character in Borgen, a Danish TV show where a woman becomes the first female prime minister of Denmark.

Bas Eickhout (Greens/EFA)

The Greens/EFA is the seventh largest group in European Parliament, so the Dutchman is a long shot to become European Commission president. The 42-year-old MEP said he has joined the race to “make sure the Green vision is being heard.” He has championed a move to cap palm oil use by 2023, then reduce it to zero by 2030.

Violeta Tomic (GUE/NGL)

Violeta Tomic (at left) is a deputy in Slovenia’s National Assembly. She is best known as a TV presenter and actress and entered into politics in 2014. She is an advocate for LGBT rights and stronger citizens’ rights in Europe.

The nominee of the strongest party in May’s European Parliament elections has a good chance of being chosen as president of the European Commission, replacing the outgoing Jean-Claude Juncker.

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EU Commission candidate backs call for European NATIONALITY – ‘Not a bad idea’

Aurora Bosotti — Thu, 02 May 2019 01:51:09 +0000

EUROPEAN Commission candidate Violeta Tomic expressed her support for creating a “European nationality”, suggesting a European Union-wide policy on nationhood could lead to citizens being more independent.

European Commission Violeta Tomic voiced her support for the concept of a “European nationality” to allow citizens to be independent from an individual country. Nationals of European Union member states are currently granted EU citizenship as part of their countries’ membership of the bloc, which grants them the freedom to reside and travel to all countries in the union. Asked whether she would back plans for a new nationality plan free from single country’s legal requirements and constraints, Ms Tomic told Euronews: “It is possible, and it’s not a bad idea.”

Ms Tomic cited the mass expulsion of 25,000 Bosniak citizenship-holders from the Srebrenica area of Bosnia-Herzegovina during the 1992-1995 Bosnian War as an example supporting proposals for European citizenship.

The Slovenian politician, who is running to replace European Commission president Jean-Claude Juncker when he retires in October, appeared to suggest a new nationality policy granting EU nationals the right to claim a form of citizenship independent from individual member states could help protect people at risk of losing their social rights.

She continued: “During the Yugoslavia years, we had nationalities – we had a Serbian nationality and also others, and when it was forced apart it was very important to say which nationality you had.

“Overnight we expelled 25,000 people’s based on nationalities – and that’s what I’m concerned about with the UK now.”

British citizens will lose their European Union citizenship rights once the United Kingdom goes through the final phase of the Brexit process.

Jean-Claude Juncker “would recommend” to EU countries they force voters to take part in the European parliamentary election scheduled for May 23-May 26.

The former Luxembourg Prime minister suggested that government follow in his country’s footsteps and making voting compulsory.

Mr Juncker called on Europeans to stop eurosceptic attempts to undermine the Brussels project with their votes.

Speaking to German magazine Bunte, Mr Juncker said the decision will be “up to the national governments and parliaments”.

He added: “Every European who is interested in the future of his continent must go to the polls.

“Every individual is Europe, and should not leave the election to the extremes who want to demand more nationalism and destroy Europe.”

The centre-right European People’s Party (EPP) and centre-left Social & Democrat (S&D) are set to lose its majority for the first time in the upcoming May elections after dominating the EU parliament for 40 years.

A survey commissioned by the parliament, whose projections were on the money in the 2014 election, shows the EPP and centre-left S&D losing 37 seats each and hence the majority.

With Nigel Farage’s Brexit Party, Italy’s populist ruling League and, at times, France’s far-right National Rally topping national opinion rankings, polls show a surge for eurosceptics in the EU elections.

But pro-EU parties could still be able to hold a majority of seats, mainly due to the likely gains of the liberal ALDE group.

Source: https://www.express.co.uk/news/world/1122093/EU-news-European-Commission-Violeta-Tomic-European-Union-nationality-Juncker-Brexit

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The post EU Commission candidate backs call for European NATIONALITY – ‘Not a bad idea’ first appeared on Garner Ted Armstrong Evangelistic Association.

Martin Selmayr’s ruthless rise

Fraser Myers Staff Writer — Sun, 10 Mar 2019 01:54:11 +0000

The top EU official was handed his job by illegal means.

Martin Selmayr is one of the most powerful officials in the EU today, and yet nobody voted for him and most people have likely never heard of him. Now the European Ombudsman has found that Selmayr broke the law ‘in letter and spirit’ and ‘did not follow the Commission’s own rules’ in his ruthless path to power.

Last year, Selmayr was double-promoted to secretary-general of the European Commission (EC). It caused a stir even among the most ardent Europhiles in Brussels. EC president Jean-Claude Juncker appointed Selmayr as deputy to the then secretary-general, Alexander Italianer. But, after just nine minutes, Juncker announced Italianer’s resignation, elevating Selmayr to the top job and handing him the keys to the EU machine.

Within his first few days, Selmayr announced to his new 33,000-strong staff that the EU civil service should be ‘the heart and soul of the Commission’, meaning that it should run everything. As one EC official put it at the time, Selmayr had become ‘in effect, the president’ of the EU.

In response, the European Parliament (EP) passed a resolution calling on Selmayr to resign. Naturally, this was ignored. The EP is a Potemkin parliament, after all – a democratic fig leaf that barely obscures the real machinations of power in Brussels, where the major decisions are taken behind closed doors by unelected officials. The ombudsman’s damning report into Selmayr’s illegal power-grab also has no legal force. So Selmayr will keep the job.

Before his double-promotion, Selmayr was already one of Brussels’ most powerful officials. He was a key backer of the Spitzenkandidatsystem for selecting the EC president, and he manoeuvred to have the docile Jean-Claude Juncker chosen as the centre-right European People’s Party (EPP) candidate. Selmayr then organised Juncker’s campaign and developed his political programme. As Juncker’s chief of staff, he blocked legislation and intervened in trade talks.

Dubbed ‘the beast of the Berlaymont’ (the building which houses the EC) and the ‘monster’, even by his ally Juncker, Selmayr’s reputation is that of a very uncivil servant. He is alleged to have bullied commissioners and threatened journalists with violence. According to the FT, commissioners refer to their Monday meetings, chaired by Selmayr, as ‘the weekly humiliation’. An aide of Juncker’s resigned over his ‘despotic’ behaviour.

Source: https://www.spiked-online.com/2019/02/13/martin-selmayr-ruthless-rise/

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The post Martin Selmayr’s ruthless rise first appeared on Garner Ted Armstrong Evangelistic Association.

Martin Selmayr’s ruthless rise

Fraser Myers - Staff Writer — Wed, 13 Feb 2019 07:22:37 +0000

The top EU official was handed his job by illegal means.

In his role as secretary-general, Selmayr has been one of the chief architects of the Brexit Withdrawal Agreement on the EU side. According to former Brexit secretary Dominic Raab, Selmayr once boasted that ‘losing Northern Ireland’ was the ‘price of Brexit’ for Britain. ‘He is a theologian who regards the British as heretics’, a former Brussels ambassador told The Times. If parliament ever approves Theresa May’s vassal-state deal, Britain will continue to be subjected to Selmayr’s despotism, even if we are technically outside the EU.

Martin Selmayr’s anti-democratic manoeuvrings and ruthless power-grabs serve as an important reminder that the EU is a democracy-free zone. Selmayr and officials like him are totally unaccountable to the public, even indirectly through toothless MEPs. In the coming months, to restore democracy to our politics, we must accept nothing less than a clean break with Brussels.

Picture by: Ernests Dinka and Saeimas Kanceleja, published under a creative commons licence.

Source: https://www.spiked-online.com/2019/02/13/martin-selmayr-ruthless-rise/

[Disclaimer]

The post Martin Selmayr’s ruthless rise first appeared on Garner Ted Armstrong Evangelistic Association.